Defence date: 26 January 2021 ; Examining board: Professor Regina Grafe (European University Institute); Professor Luca Molà (University of Warwick); Professor Carmen Sanz Ayán (Universidad Complutense de Madrid); Professor Manuel Herrero Sánchez (Universidad Pablo de Olavide) ; This doctoral thesis analyses the process of state construction in the early modern period from a joint perspective that amalgamates the agencies of state officials, lending communities, and local elites in the Hispanic Monarchy during the four initial years of Philip II's reign. The project examines the convergence of private agendas inside and outside the royal administration, which were channelled by the Genoese lending community to overcome the consolidation of royal short-term debt in 1557 and its consequences. The application of an institutional approach, based on the works of Avner Greif, to the analysis of the social organisations that prevented a failure of coordination in the Hispanic Monarchy offers a fresh perspective on a topic normally assessed under predatory models. The specific study of two Genoese lenders who contributed to the establishment of a more viable and efficient financial system in the monarchy, Costantin Gentil and Nicolao de Grimaldo, provides details about how interregional transactions and local economies contributed to the consolidation of the early modern state.
What factors might explain the cross-country variations in COVID-19 public performances and what lessons can be drawn to be better-prepared for future pandemics? This study focuses on the effects of policy stringency on COVID-19 public health outcomes to gain insights into national-level state responses to COVID-19 and the conditions for their effectiveness. Using data from 136 countries comprising 91.4% of the global population, we find that more stringent policies lead to lower infection and death rates. More importantly, the negative effects of restrictive policies on infection and death rates are moderated by political trust and democracy levels, possibly through the mechanism of popular compliance with government policies. Under conditions of higher political trust and lower democracy levels, the policy effects on infection and death rates are greater. However, while the results suggest the importance of policy stringency and political trust, we should not draw the conclusion that authoritarian political systems are more conducive to policy effectiveness. When comparing the moderating effects of political trust and democracy, political trust is more important as a facilitating factor. Therefore, in addition to making scientifically-supported policies, fostering political trust should be an important goal for governments to be better prepared for future pandemics.
The incorporation of nanostructures in optoelectronic devices for enhancing their optical performance is widely studied. However, several problems related to the processing complexity and the low performance of the nanostructures have hindered such actions in real-life devices. Herein, a novel way of introducing gold nanoparticles in a solar cell structure is proposed in which the nanostructures are encapsulated with a dielectric layer, shielding them from high temperatures and harsh growth processing conditions of the remaining device. Through optical simulations, an enhancement of the effective optical path length of approximately four times the nominal thickness of the absorber layer is verified with the new architecture. Furthermore, the proposed concept in a Cu(In,Ga)Se2 solar cell device is demonstrated, where the short-circuit current density is increased by 17.4%. The novel structure presented in this work is achieved by combining a bottom-up chemical approach of depositing the nanostructures with a top-down photolithographic process, which allows for an electrical contact. ; This work was funded in part by the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT) under Grants IF/00133/2015, PD/BD/142780/2018 and SFRH/BD/ 146776/2019. The authors also want to acknowledge the European Union's Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme through the ARCIGS-M project under Grant 720887, the Special Research Fund (BOF) of Hasselt University, the FCT through the project NovaCell (PTDC/CTM-CTM/28075/ 2017), and InovSolarCells (PTDC/FISMAC/29696/2017) co-funded by FCT and the ERDF through COMPETE2020. The authors also want to acknowledge Sandra Maya for the production of images used in this work. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
When a dam is built, its safety becomes a constant concern for the owner, the public and for governments. Therefore, continuous observation through routine inspections and safety reviews become necessary. Acting as protectors of public safety, governments and professional organizations save no effort in the promulgation of legislations and laying out guidelines for such inspections and reviews. These issues are discussed here starting with the basic first step of visual inspections by the operators and the follow up of detailed safety reviews by specialists. Careful visual inspections assisted by instrumentation measurements may reveal an early negative issue such as, but not limited to, increased seepage, increased uplift pressure, signs of weakness like cracking in the body of the dam, or dams' slope sloughing, and even damaged hydraulic control equipment. Documenting and reporting these observation helps in taking remedial measures in good time and may lead to more intensive safety reviews. Suggested check lists for the inspection engineers are given here, but these may be tailored for each dam according to its needs. These lists cover issues common to both embankment and concrete dams, and include other specific issues related to each type of them. Metal equipment take their share by listing such areas as corrosion, fatigue and cracking, tear, and wear and so on. Instrumentation measurements are also given their due consideration by giving brief mention of types of measurements needed and points to be observed in instrumentation control work. Finally, guidelines, rules, and legislations for Dam Safety Reviews are generally discussed giving examples from four countries in the world. ; Validerad;2020;Nivå 1;2020-09-29 (johcin)
This book looks at the interplay between criminal law and other branches of public law pursuing similar objectives (referred to as 'quasi-criminal law'). The need for clarifying the concepts and the interlink between criminal and quasi-criminal enforcement is a topic attracting a lot of discussion and debate in both academia and practice across Europe (and beyond). This volume adds to this debate by bringing to light the substantive and procedural problems stemming from the current parallel or dual use of the different enforcement systems. The collection draws on expertise from academia, practice and policy; its high-quality analysis will appeal to scholars, practitioners and policymakers alike.
Circular polarized (CP) antennas are well suited for long-distance transmission attainment. In order to be adaptable for beyond 5G communication, a detailed and systematic investigation of their important conventional features is required for expected enhancements. The existing designs employing millimeter wave, microwave, and ultra-wideband (UWB) frequencies form the elementary platform for future studies. The 3.4–3.8 GHz frequency band has been identified as a worthy candidate for 5G communications because of spectrum availability. This band comes under UWB frequencies (3.1–10.6 GHz). In this survey, a review of CP antennas in the selected areas to improve the understanding of early-stage researchers specially experienced antenna designers has presented for the first time as best of our knowledge. Design implementations involving size, axial ratio, efficiency, and gain improvements are covered in detail. Besides that, various design approaches to realize CP antennas including (a) printed CP antennas based on parasitic or slotted elements, (b) dielectric resonator CP antennas, (c) reconfigurable CP antennas, (d) substrate integrated waveguide CP antennas, (e) fractal CP antennas, (f) hybrid techniques CP antennas, and (g) 3D printing CP antennas with single and multiple feeding structures have investigated and analyzed. The aim of this work is to provide necessary guidance for the selection of CP antenna geometries in terms of the required dimensions, available bandwidth, gain, and useful materials for the integration and realization in future communication systems. ; This project has received funding from Universidad Carlos III de Madrid and the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under the Marie Sklodowska-Curie Grant 801538. Also, this work was partially supported by RTI2018-095499-B-C31, Funded by Ministerio de Ciencia,Innovación y Universidades, Gobierno de España (MCIU/AEI/FEDER,UE).
Cell membranes are integral to the functioning of the cell and are therefore key to drive fundamental understanding of biological processes for downstream applications. Here, we review the current state-of-the-art with respect to biomembrane systems and electronic substrates, with a view of how the field has evolved towards creating biomimetic conditions and improving detection sensitivity. Of particular interest are conducting polymers, a class of electroactive polymers, which have the potential to create the next step-change for bioelectronics devices. Lastly, we discuss the impact these types of devices could have for biomedical applications. ; S.D. and R.O., acknowledge funding for this project, sponsored by the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) Army Research Office and accomplished under Cooperative Agreement Number W911NF-18-2-0152. The views and conclusions contained in this document are those of the authors and should not be interpreted as representing the official policies, either expressed or implied, of DARPA or the Army Research Office or the U.S. Government. The U.S. Government is authorized to reproduce and distribute reprints for Government purposes notwithstanding any copyright notation herein. A.K.J acknowledges funding from the Cambridge Trust, the EPSRC grant EP/L015978/1 for the Centre for Doctoral Training for Nanoscience and Nanotechnology (NanoDTC) and the Centre for Misfolding Diseases. A.M.P. acknowledges funding from the Oppenheimer Junior Research Fellowship and the Maudslay-Butler Research Fellowship at Pembroke College, Cambridge. Z.A.M. was supported by T32GM008500 from the National Institute of General Medical Sciences. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the National Institute of General Medical Sciences or the National Institutes of Health. W.C.T. acknowledges funding from the Cambridge Commonwealth, European & International Trust at Cambridge University. T.P.J.K.
Doutoramento em Economia ; By focusing on the relationship between financial stability and monetary policy for the cases of Chile, Colombia, Japan, Portugal and the UK, this thesis aims to add to the existing literature on the fundamental issue of the relationship between financial stability and monetary policy, a traditional topic that gained importance in the aftermath of the GFC as Central Banks lowered policy rates in an effort to rescue their economies. As the zero-lower bound loomed and the reach of traditional monetary policy narrowed, policy makers realised that alternative frameworks were needed and hence, macroprudential policy measures aimed at targeting the financial system as a whole were introduced. The second chapter looks at the relationship between monetary policy and financial stability, which has gained importance in recent years as Central Bank policy rates neared the zero-lower bound. We use an SVAR model to study the impact of monetary policy shocks on three proxies for financial stability as well as a proxy for economic growth. Monetary policy is represented by policy rates for the EMEs and shadow rates for the AEs in our chapter. Our main results show that monetary policy may be used to correct asset mispricing, to control fluctuations in the real business cycle and also to tame credit cycles in the majority of cases. Our results also show that for the majority of cases, in line with theory, local currencies appreciate following a positive monetary policy shock. Monetary policy intervention may indeed be successful in contributing to or achieving financial stability. However, the results show that monetary policy may not have the ability to maintain or re-establish financial stability in all cases. Alternative policy choices such as macroprudential policy tool frameworks which are aimed at targeting the financial system as a whole may be implemented as a means of fortifying the economy. The third chapter looks at the institutional setting of the countries in question, the independence of the Central Bank, the political environment and the impact of these factors on financial Abstract stability. I substantiate the literature review discussion with a brief empirical analysis of the effect of Central Bank Independence on credit growth using an existing database created by Romelli (2018). The empirical results show that there is a positive relationship between credit growth and the level of Central Bank Independence (CBI) due to the positive and statistically significant coefficient on the interaction term between growth in domestic credit to the private sector and the level of CBI. When considering domestic credit by deposit money banks and other financial institutions, the interaction term is positive and statistically significant for the case of the UK for the third regression equation. A number of robustness checks show that the coefficient is positive and statistically significant for a number of cases when implementing a variety of estimation methods. Fluctuations in credit growth are larger for higher levels of CBI and hence, in periods of financial instability or ultimately financial crises, CBI would be reined back in an effort to re-establish financial stability. Based on the empirical results, and in an effort to slow down surging credit supply and to maintain financial stability, policy makers and governmental authorities should attempt to decrease the level of CBI when the economy shows signs of overheating and credit supply continues to increase. The fourth chapter looks at the interaction between macroprudential policy and financial stability. The unexpected interconnectedness of the global economy and the economic blight that occurred as a result of this, recapitulated the need to implement an alternative policy framework aimed at targeting the financial system as a whole and hence, targeting the maintenance of financial stability. In this chapter, an index of domestic macroprudential policy tools is constructed and the effectiveness of these tools in controlling credit growth, managing GDP growth and stabilising inflation growth is studied using a dynamic panel data model for the period between 2000 and 2017. The empirical analysis includes two panels namely an EU panel of 27 countries and a Latin American panel of 7 countries, the chapter also looks at a case study of Japan, Portugal and the UK. Our main results find that a tighter macroprudential policy tool stance leads to a decrease in both credit growth and GDP growth while, a tighter macroprudential policy tool stance results in higher inflation in the majority of cases. Further, we find that capital openness plays a more important role in the case of Latin America, this may be due to the region's dependence on foreign capital flows and exchange rate movements. Lastly, we find that, in times of higher perceived market volatility, GDP growth tends to be higher and inflation growth tends to be lower in the EU. In the other cases, higher levels of perceived market volatility result in higher inflation, higher credit growth and lower GDP Abstract growth. This is in line with expectations as an increase in perceived market volatility is met with an increased flow of assets into safer markets such as the EU. This thesis establishes a relationship between financial stability and monetary policy by studying the response of Chile, Colombia, Japan, Portugal and the UK in the aftermath of the GFC as Central Banks lowered policy rates in an effort to rescue their economies. In short, the results of the work conducted in this thesis may be summarised as follows. Our results show that monetary policy contributes to the achievement of financial stability. Still, monetary policy alone is not sufficient and should be reinforced by less traditional policy choices such as macroprudential policy tools. Secondly, we find that the level of CBI should be reined in in times of surging credit supply in an effort to maintain financial stability. Finally, we conclude that macroprudential policy tools play an important role in the achievement of financial stability. These tools should complement traditional monetary policy frameworks and should be adapted for each region. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
This work was supported by the Latvian Council of Science , project NN-CARMA, project No. lzp-2018/1-0194. ; Background: This work studied how the exposure to an unusual substrate forced a change in microbial populations during anaerobic fermentation of crude glycerol, a by-product of biodiesel production, with freshwater sediment used as an inoculum. Results: The microbial associations almost completely (99.9%) utilized the glycerol contained in crude glycerol 6 g L−1 within four days, releasing gases, organic acids (acetic, butyric) and alcohols (ethanol, n-butanol) under anaerobic conditions. In comparison with control medium without glycerol, adding crude glycerol to the medium increased the amount of ethanol and n-butanol production and it was not significantly affected by incubation temperature (28 °C or 37 °C), nor incubation time (4 or 8 d), but it resulted in reduced amount of butyric acid. Higher volume of gas was produced at 37 °C despite the fact that the overall bacterial count was smaller than the one measured at 20 °C. Main microbial phyla of the inoculum were Actinobacteria, Proteobacteria and Firmicutes. During fermentation, significant changes were observed and Firmicutes, especially Clostridium spp., began to dominate, and the number of Actinobacteria and Gammaproteobacteria decreased accordingly. Concentration of Archaea decreased, especially in medium with crude glycerol. These changes were confirmed both by culturing and culture-independent (concentration of 16S rDNA) methods. Conclusions: Crude glycerol led to the adaptation of freshwater sediment microbial populations to this substrate. Changes of microbial community were a result of a community adaptation to a new source of carbon. How to cite: Paiders M, Nikolajeva V, Makarenkova G, et al. Changes in freshwater sediment microbial populations during fermentation of crude glycerol. ; Latvian Council of Science lzp-2018/1-0194; Institute of Solid State Physics, University of Latvia as the Center of Excellence has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 Framework Programme H2020-WIDESPREAD-01-2016-2017-TeamingPhase2 under grant agreement No. 739508, project CAMART²
The PhD thesis was embedded in the Energy for Smart Objects (EnSO) project, which is part of the Electronic Components and Systems for European Leadership (ECSEL) Joint Undertaking in collaboration with the European Union's H2020 Framework Program (H2020/2014-2020) and National Authorities, with the aim to develop Autonomous Micro Energy Sources (AMES) for smart objects. In the framework of the EnSO project, the goal of the thesis was to develop a solid electrolyte for all-solid Li-metal microbatteries as energy storage device in AMES. Lithium metal is the anode material of choice because of its very high theoretical specific capacity of 3861 mAh/g, which is one of the important requirements for miniaturized batteries. However, inhomogeneous lithium depositions known as dendrites, which reduce the life time and can connect both electrodes and create a short circuit, are often observed when using Li-metal as anode. The aim is therefore to develop a solid electrolyte, which presents a high ionic conductivity for the Li ion transport and a high mechanical stability to hinder dendritic growth. Electrolyte solutions based on ionic liquids (ILs) with dissolved lithium salt can be confined into inorganic porous networks forming so called ionogels (IGs), which are investigated as quasi-solid electrolyte materials. In a first step, the synthesis in a one-pot sol-gel process for silica-based ionogels is developed and in a second step tested as quasi-solid electrolyte in Li/LiCoO2 systems. IGs were obtained by a sol-gel reaction between TMOS as silica precursor and TFA as catalyst in PYR13-FSI (IL) and LiTFSI (Li+ source). It was possible to synthesize transparent IG monoliths with gelation times of 2-3 h, which is a suitable time for the IG film preparation on the LCO cathodes. Four IGs with different compositions were prepared and characterized. Two types of silica matrices built of mostly threefold-condensed Si centers could be distinguished: a densely packed structure and an open-porous structure, the latter one corresponding to IG B with the molar ratios IL/TMOS=3, TFA/TMOS=0.3, H2O/TMOS=2.3. The ionic conductivity of the IGs could be linked to the silica matrix structure. Only the IG with the open-pore structure (IG B) has a good ionic conductivity (10−4 S/cm). Equally, the examination of the four IGs as thin film electrolytes in LCO/Li batteries show promising results for batteries containing IG B. However, the capacity lies under the theoretical value (89 mAh/g instead of 136 mAh/g) due to high cell resistance. Therefore, the ionic conductivity of IG B was improved by changing the synthesis process while keeping the composition unaltered. The new IG B∗ has a very good ionic conductivity (10−3 S/cm) but a poor mechanical stability due to a matrix structure of loosely connected silica particles. IG B∗ was not able to hinder dendritic growth. Thus, the PVDF-HFP polymer (20 wt.%) was added to B∗ (B∗-p), which enhanced the mechanical stability and the cyclability of the Li-ion batteries with B∗-p as electrolyte layer. No indication of dendrites was visible in the charge/discharge curve for minimum 30 cycles at C/5. The capacities are low (≤ 80 mAh/g) due to the decreased liquid (IL) to solid (SiO2 + PVDF-HFP) ratio, which results in a lower lithium ion mobility. In order to increase the battery capacity, the silica amount in the IG formulation was reduced, the LiTFSI lithium salt concentration was increased, and the Li+ source was modified by taking IL-based electrolyte solution with different concentrations of LiFSI. Indeed, the capacity increases with decreasing silica amount due to improved ion mobility. The change of the lithium concentration from 1M to 3M and 5M enhanced the capacity. A battery with the combination of the reduced silica amount (0.5 TMOS) and 5M electrolyte solution has a good capacity (> 100 mAh/g) for at least 10 cycles at C/5. The lithium salt LiFSI has a smaller anion than LiTFSI and thus, it can further improve the ion mobility in the IG electrolyte film. All IGs containing LiFSI have a higher ionic conductivity than the corresponding gels with LiTFSI. Overall the battery performance and reproducibility could be greatly improved. Batteries containing a solid electrolyte with 20 wt.% PVDF-HFP and the reduced TMOS amount with a 3M LiFSI solution are able to cycle without the appearance of dendrites for 13 cycles at C/5 followed by 12 cycles at C/2 with a rather good coulombic efficiency around 95%. However, the capacity remains under the theoretical maximum.
Naciones Unidas estima que globalmente hay 300.000 niños y niñas soldados en conflictos. Según dicha organización en 2018 el reclutamiento de niños y niñas aumentó en varios países como en la República Centroafricana y República Democrática de Congo, y alcanzó cifras alarmantes en Sudán del Sur y Somalia. Sin embargo, ni la literatura académica ni la cobertura mediática han dedicado espacio suficiente a esta grave problemática, en especial cuando se trata de representar en los medios la realidad de las niñas soldado desde el enfoque de género. Esta investigación aborda el estudio de caso de la representación de las niñas soldado en dos conflictos africanos: Sudán del Sur y República Centroafricana. Para ello hace un análisis cualitativo de la cobertura de dichos conflictos en dos diarios considerados quality press: The Guardian y Le Monde, entre 2011-2017. Los resultados mostraron que la presencia discursiva de niñas soldado en los artículos analizados es muy limitada en comparación a los niños soldados, con un encuadre predominante de víctimas de abusos sexuales, y no en el rol de combatientes supuestamente masculino, y sin apenas cobertura de noticias positivas como los procesos de rehabilitación de estas niñas. ; The United Nations estimates there are 300,000 child soldiers in conflicts around the world. According to the UN, in 2018, recruitment of child soldiers increased in several countries, such as the Democratic Republic of Congo and the Central African Republic. Recruitment activities attained an alarming level in South Sudan and Somalia. However, academic literature and media have not devoted enough coverage to this critical issue, in particular with regard to child soldiers' media coverage from a gender perspective. This project sought to study girl soldiers' representation within the frame of two African conflicts: Southern Sudan and the Central African Republic. The study entailed a qualitative analysis of these conflicts in two quality newspapers: The Guardian and Le Monde from 2011 to 2017. The results showed that the discursive presence of girl soldiers in the articles analysed is very limited in comparison to that of boy soldiers. Girl soldiers are mainly represented as victims of sexual abuse rather than in the role of supposedly male combatants. In addition, minimal coverage relating to positive news, such as girls' rehabilitation processes, was also highlighted.
How do changes in climatic conditions and disaster patterns affect the persistence of civil unrest across countries over time? Existing studies postulate that changing climate conditions will exacerbate various social conflicts through their impacts on degraded environmental and economic conditions, which is further conditional on political institutions. Nevertheless, there are two major pitfalls in the existing studies. First, vulnerability as a major underlying mechanism has been used as an umbrella term or been presumed. Using vulnerability as an umbrella term has a detrimental effect on climate-conflict theory-building because it prevents scholars from deriving testable empirical implications for relevant concepts. Second, previous research has pinpointed the importance of political institutions in moderating impacts of climate on conflict, but the literature says little about what aspects of political institutions might aggravate or alleviate vulnerability to climate in ways that are simmering or amplifying civil strife. Using the structural causal approach and machine learning methods, this dissertation improves the identification of the mediation effect of vulnerability and the moderation effect of political institutions on the climate-conflict relationship. The important mechanisms and implications revealed by this study are twofold. First, this dissertation finds that the impacts of extreme climatic events are more important in shaping local vulnerability than that of annual weather variations, and that adaptive capacity is more important than economic sensitivity in mitigating local vulnerability. Annual weather variations (i.e., the slow-moving mechanics) have a significant impact on cumulative conflict hazards, whereas extreme climatic events (i.e., the fast-moving drivers) fuel onset of a new conflict. In the presence of socio-psychological vulnerabilities, an increase in annual weather variations can boil new conflicts. Second, the state capacity is more important than democracy in exacerbating a country's vulnerability to climate, and the degree of executive bribery especially plays a crucial role in moderating the impacts of vulnerability to climate on civil conflict. However, of different aspects of democracy, freedom of academic and cultural expression has the most important moderating effect on conflict. What is striking is the role of socio-psychological vulnerability in transmitting the impacts of extreme climate and weather variations on civil conflict. Mainstream conflict theory has shown that institutional and economic conditions are the most important factors determining conflicts even though socio-psychological factors are meaningful contexts. However, this present study shows that socio-psychological vulnerability is more important than institutional and economic conditions in shaping civil conflict.
Insufficiency of water resources in the Middle East Region represents vital factors that influence the stability of the region and its progress. Expectations indicate that the condition will be dimmer and more complicated, especially in Iraqi territory. Iraq, which is situated in the Middle East, it covers an area of 433,970 square kilometers and populated by about 32 million inhabitants. Iraq greatly relies in its water resources on the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers as a surface water resources, and several productive groundwater aquifers in which from the hydrogeological point of view divided into several major aquifer units including Foothill, Al-Jazira, Aquifer System, Mandali-Badra-Teeb, Mesopotamian and Desert Aquifer system. Recently, Iraq is suffering from water shortage problems. This is due to external and internal factors affecting the water quality of water resources; they are controlled and uncontrolled factors. The uncontrolled factors are climate change and its consequences, such as reduction of precipitation and temperature increasing. The controlled factors have a significantly negative influence on water resources, but their effects involve more specific regions. The controlled factors are mainly represented by building dams and irrigation projects within the upper parts of the Tigris and Euphrates catchments, Al-Tharthar Scheme, waste water, solid wastes and wastes from wars, which has a significant effect on surface water in Iraq because about 80% of the water supply to Euphrates and Tigris Rivers come from Turkey. In addition, the pressures resulting from the high demand for water resources, and the continued decline in their quantity rates have led to major changes in the hydrological condition in Iraq during the past 30 years. The decrease in surface water levels and precipitation during these three decades reflects the drop in the levels of water reservoirs, lakes, and rivers to the unexpected levels. The level of main country's water source, Tigris, and Euphrates Rivers has fallen to less than a third of its natural levels. As storage capacity depreciates, the government estimates that its water reserves have been reduced precariously. According to the survey from the Ministry of Water Resources, millions of Iraqi people have faced a severe shortage of drinking water. Since of the importance of water for human life and the need to monitor temporal and spatial changes in quality and quantity, there is a need to develop a general Iraqi Water Quality Index (Iraq WQI) to monitor surface water and groundwater and classify it into five categories, very good, good, acceptable, bad and very bad, in terms of suitability for domestics, irrigation and agriculture depending on the Iraqi and WHO standards for drinking water. In addition, strict establishment for the regular quantitative monitoring surface water and groundwater setting and processes. Prospects are more negative for all riparian countries. This implies that solving these problems requires actual and serious international, regional, and national cooperation to set a prudent plan for water resources management of the two basins. Iraq being the most affected country should seriously set a prudent, scientific, and strategic plan for the management and conservation of its water resources. ; Validerad;2020;Nivå 1;2020-11-18 (johcin)
Länsimaisissa demokratioissa äänestäjien yhteiskuntaluokka ja koettu luokka-asema ovat perinteisesti selittäneet heidän puoluevalintojaan. Tätä äänestyspäätöksiä selittävää toimintamallia, eli omaan yhteiskuntaluokkaan liittyvän puolueen äänestämistä, kutsutaan luokkaäänestämiseksi. Luokkaäänestämistä painottavissa teorioissa yhteiskuntaluokkia pidetään merkittävimpänä poliittisena jakolinjana. Länsimaisissa monipuoluejärjestelmissä myös poliittiset puolueet ovat syntyneet tältä pohjalta. Nykyisillekin puoluejärjestelmille merkitykselliseksi poliittiseksi jakolinjaksi yhteiskuntaluokat muodostuivat jo teollisessa vallankumouksessa, joka synnytti vastakkainasettelua työtä tekevän ja omistavan väestönosan välillä. Jakolinja oli niin voimakkaasti kansalaisia erotteleva, että se synnytti nopeasti yhteiskuntaan erilaisia poliittisia järjestöjä etenkin työväestön keskuuteen. Tällä tavoin ammattiliitot, sosiaalidemokraattiset sekä sosialistiset puolueet saivat alkunsa. 1980-luvulle tultaessa yhä useammat tutkimukset osoittivat, että äänestäjien luokka-aseman vaikutus heidän vaalikäyttäytymiseensä oli heikentynyt. Erityisesti tämä trendi liittyi työväenluokkaisiin äänestäjiin. Heidän ammattiasemansa katsottiin menettäneen asteittain merkitystään vaaleissa tekemiin puoluevalintoihinsa. Yhteiskunnan rakennetasolla trendiä on selitetty työntekijäammattien vähenemisellä teollistuneissa demokratioissa. Esimerkiksi Suomessa työntekijäammattien osuus kaikista ammateista on pienentynyt lähes 20 prosenttiyksikköä 1970-luvulta 2010-luvulle tultaessa. Luokkaäänestämisen laskun on esitetty liittyvän puoluekentän pirstoutumiseen, yhteiskunnan uudelleenjärjestäytymiseen ja laajamittaisiin rakenteellisiin muutoksiin länsimaissa. Globalisaatiokehitys, koulutustason nousu, työelämän lisääntynyt epävakaus sekä väestön ikääntyminen ovat yleisimpiä yhteiskunnan rakennetason muutoksia, jotka ovat väistämättä muuttaneet myös poliittista kenttää. Vaikka luokkaäänestäminen on vähentynyt, osa tutkimuksista on suhtautunut havaintoihin sen vähenemisestä varauksellisesti. Varsinkaan Pohjoismaiden vaaleissa työväenluokkaisuuden ei ole katsottu menettäneen samassa suhteessa merkitystään äänestyspäätöksiä selittävänä tekijänä verrattuna muihin länsimaisiin demokratioihin. Lisäksi yhteiskunnan rakenteelliset muutokset sekä niiden seuraukset ja luokkaäänestämisen yleinen väheneminen ovat motivoineet tutkijoita tarkastelemaan äänestäjien luokka-asemia myös subjektiivisesta näkökulmasta. Subjektiivisesta näkökulmasta kiinnostuneet tutkijat ovat tyypillisesti keskittyneet analysoimaan äänestäjien luokka-asemia heidän luokkasamastumisensa kautta. Luokkasamastumisella tarkoitetaan yhteiskuntaluokkaa, johon henkilö kokee itse lähinnä kuuluvansa. Tämä väitöstutkimus tuottaa luokkaäänestämisen näkökulmasta uutta tietoa suomalaisten työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien äänestyskäyttäytymisestä, arvoista ja asenteista sekä heidän puoluevalinnoistaan Suomessa 2000-luvulla. Tarkoitan nyt ja myös jäljempänä 2000-luvulla vuosituhannen vaihteesta alkanutta aikaa. Tutkimus on saanut alkunsa kahdesta 2000-luvun suomalaisia äänestäjiä sekä suomalaista puoluejärjestelmää koskevasta havainnosta. Ensimmäinen havainto koskee luokkasamastumista. Merkittävä osa suomalaisista äänestäjistä kokee 2000-luvulla samastuvansa johonkin yhteiskuntaluokkaan siitä huolimatta, että yhteiskuntaluokkien on esitetty hiipuvan ja menettävän merkitystään. Toinen havainto koskee suomalaista puoluejärjestelmää ja siinä 2000-luvulla tapahtuneita merkittäviä muutoksia. Tästä hyvänä esimerkkinä voidaan mainita vuoden 2011 eduskuntavaalit, joissa iso joukko työväenluokkaisia äänestäjiä siirtyi Suomen Sosialidemokraattisen Puolueen (SDP) takaa Perussuomalaisten (PS) kannattajiksi. Tämä tutkimus tuo nämä kaksi erillistä havaintoa yhteen tutkimalla työnväenluokan äänestämisen mekanismeja 2000-luvun Suomessa sekä luokkakongruenssin että äänestäjien arvojen ja asenteiden näkökulmasta. Tavoitteena on selvittää, kuinka työnväenluokkaiset äänestäjät äänestävät 2000-luvun Suomessa. Tutkimusongelma nojaa tapaan analysoida äänestäjien luokka-asemia kahdesta näkökulmasta. Se tarkoittaa objektiivisen luokka-aseman, eli ammatin, ja subjektiivisen luokka-aseman, eli luokkasamastumisen, tarkastelemista samanaikaisesti. Näiden kahden luokka-asemaa mittaavan muuttujan yhteyttä nimitetään tässä tutkimuksessa joko luokkakongruenssiksi tai inkongruenssiksi riippuen siitä, ovatko ne toisiaan vastaavat vai eivät. Tutkimus muodostaa kolme erillistä työväenluokkaryhmää. Ryhmistä ensimmäinen on "perinteinen työväenluokka" ( traditional working class ), joka koostuu työntekijäammateissa toimivista, jotka samastuvat työväenluokkaan. Ryhmä "ammatillinen työväenluokka" ( occupational working class ) koostuu työntekijäammateissa toimivista, jotka samastuvat alempaan keskiluokkaan, keskiluokkaan tai ylempään keskiluokkaan. Kolmanteen ryhmään, "ideologiseen työväenluokkaan" ( ideological working class ) kuuluvat ei- työntekijäammateissa toimivat, jotka kuitenkin samastuvat työväenluokkaan. Lisäksi tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan näiden kolmen ryhmän arvoja ja asenteita, joiden merkitystä viimeaikainen tutkimus on painottanut puoluevalintojen taustalla. Tutkimusaineistoina käytetään kansallisten eduskuntavaalitutkimusten kyselyaineistoja (FNES) vuosilta 2003–2019. Tutkimuksen analyysi on kolmivaiheinen. Ensimmäinen analyysiluku keskittyy löytämään tekijöitä, jotka selittävät luokkakongruenssia ja inkongruenssia tutkimuksen kolmen työnväenluokkaryhmän keskuudessa. Tulosten mukaan lapsuudenkoti, koulutustaso ja puolison ammatti ovat merkittävimmät tekijät, jotka selittävät sekä luokkakongruenssia että inkongruenssia. Ennen kaikkea työväenluokkainen lapsuudenkoti nousee esiin merkittävimpänä työväenluokkaan samastumista selittävänä tekijänä. Tutkimuksen toinen analyysiluku tarkastelee sitä, missä määrin kolme työväenluokkaryhmää eroavat toisistaan arvoiltaan ja asenteiltaan. Toisin sanoen luku analysoi sitä, missä määrin luokkakongruenssi ja luokkainkongruenssi vaikuttavat arvoihin ja asenteisiin. Tulokset osoittavat, että kolme työväenluokkaryhmää eroavat jossain määrin toisistaan sekä sosioekonomisilta että sosiokulttuurisilta arvoiltaan ja asenteiltaan. Ideologinen työväenluokka ( ideological working class ) erottuu kahdesta muusta ryhmästä vasemmistolaisemmalla sosioekonomisella orientaatiollaan. Lisäksi ammatillinen työväenluokka ( occupational working class ) on sosiokulttuuriselta orientaatioltaan kolmesta työväenluokkaryhmästä konservatiivisin. Kaikki kolme ryhmää ovat selvästi enemmän EU-kriittisiä kuin EU-myönteisiä verrattuna muihin äänestäjiin. Tutkimuksen kolmas analyysiluku tuo yhteen kaksi aiempaa analyysilukua. Se tarkastelee luokkakongruenssin ja luokkainkongruenssin sekä arvojen ja asenteiden vaikutusta työväenluokkaryhmien puoluevalintoihin. Kokoava analyysi soveltaa polkumallia ja tutkii, missä määrin luokkakongruenssi ja luokkainkongruenssi vaikuttavat suoraan työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien puoluevalintoihin, tai missä määrin vaikutus on epäsuora äänestäjien arvojen ja asenteiden kautta. Tulokset osoittavat, että työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien puoluevalinnat ovat moniulotteisia, eikä niitä voi enää 2000-luvulla kuvailla pelkästään perinteisiksi luokka-puolue-siteiksi. Tästä huolimatta SDP ja Vasemmistoliitto ovat yhä 2000-luvulla puolueita, joille työväenluokkaiset äänestäjät antavat ääniään. Nämä työväenluokan ääniä perinteisesti keränneet puolueet ovat saaneet haastajia Perussuomalaisten ohella muistakin puolueista. Työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien puoluevalintoja ohjaavat myös heidän arvonsa ja asenteensa. Perinteisesti työväenluokkaäänestämiseen liitetty vasemmistolainen sosioekonominen orientaatio, on kuitenkin tulosten valossa yhä harvemmin löydettävissä työväenluokan äänestyspäätösten taustalta. Tulosten valossa mihinkään työväenluokkaryhmään kuuluminen yhdistettynä sosioekonomiseen orientaatioon ei lisää todennäköisyyttä äänestää mitään tarkasteltua puoluetta. Arvoista ja asenteista EU-kriittisyys yhdistettynä mihin tahansa työväenluokkaryhmään erottuu selvästi useimmiten puoluevalintoja selittävänä tekijänä. Tämän lisäksi konservatiivisen sosiokulttuurisen orientaation havaitaan lisäävän todennäköisyyttä äänestää Suomen Keskustaa tai Perussuomalaisia ammatillisen työväenluokan ( occupational working class ) keskuudessa. Kyse on sellaisista työväenluokkaisista äänestäjistä, jotka toimivat työntekijäammateissa, mutta samastuvat alempaan keskiluokkaan, keskiluokkaan tai ylempään keskiluokkaan. Kaiken kaikkiaan tulokset osoittavat, että perinteistä työväenluokkaäänestämistä ilmenee yhä edelleen 2000-luvun Suomessa, mutta työväenluokan äänet jakautuvat useamman puolueen kesken. SDP:n ja Perussuomalaisten ohella työväenluokka antaa 2000-luvulla äänensä niin Vihreälle Liitolle, Vasemmistoliitolle kuin Suomen Keskustallekin. Keskeinen löydös on, että Perussuomalaiset onnistuu kilpailemaan kaikkien kolmen tutkimuksessa muodostetun työväenluokkaryhmän äänistä. Täten työväenluokkaryhmien siirtyminen Perussuomalaisten äänestäjiksi ei juurikaan riipu heidän koulutustasostaan, ammatistaan tai luokkasamastumisestaan. Tulokset osoittavat myös, että kesällä 2017 tapahtuneesta sisäisestä kahtiajaostaan huolimatta Perussuomalaiset on puolueena kyennyt jatkamaan tätä trendiä. Vaikka EU- kriittisyys linkittyy myös muiden puolueiden äänestämiseen työväenluokkaisten äänestäjien keskuudessa, Perussuomalaiset on epäilemättä onnistunut kanavoimaan EU-kriittiset äänet taakseen. Äänestäjien luokka-asemien perusteellinen ja moniulotteinen analysointi tarjoaa tärkeää uutta tietoa luokkaäänestämisen malleista ja mekanismeista. Tämän tutkimuksen kontribuutio laaja-alaiseen luokkaäänestämistä käsittelevään tutkimukseen piilee nimenomaan sen soveltamassa kaksiulotteisessa lähestymistavassa työväenluokkaisen aseman määrittelemiseen. Lisäksi tutkimus yhdistää kaksiulotteisen näkökulman arvoihin ja asenteisiin. Tutkimuksen keskeinen argumentti on, että mikäli jokin kolmesta tekijästä – objektiivinen luokka-asema, subjektiivinen luokka-asema tai äänestäjän arvot ja asenteet – jätetään pois tarkastelusta, luokkaäänestämisen keskeiset mekanismit jäävät pimentoon. Tulevaisuuden luokkaäänestämistä tarkastelevien tutkimusten on tärkeää ottaa huomioon nämä kaikki kolme tekijää. ; Traditionally, voters' class positions have determined their party choices in Western democracies. At the same time, social class has been considered being the most significant political cleavage of which political parties have conventionally emerged in the West-European multi-party systems. Class cleavage has emerged from the industrial revolution based on the labour market confrontation between workers and owners. The cleavage has been so divisive and has resulted in the formation of various political organisations especially at the worker-side. Meanwhile, Labour Unions, Social Democratic (SD) parties and socialist parties were formed. Since the late 1980s, numerous studies have claimed that voters' class has become an irrelevant determinant of electoral behaviour. This trend has been related to working-class voters, whose occupational position is regarded becoming gradually a weaker predictor of their voting behaviour than in the past. At the macro level, this weakening trend has been explained by a decline in the relative proportion of the working class. The share of blue-collar employees has decreased significantly in the past few decades in advanced industrialised democracies. For example, in Finland, the share of blue-collar employees has decreased by almost 20 percentage points from the 1970s to the 2010s. The declines in class voting have been linked to the political parties' disintegration, reconfiguration of society, and large-scale societal change in the Western world. Globalisation, the rising level of education, unstable working-life conditions, and the ageing population have been the most common societal explanations for the change in the political sphere. Despite the relative decrease, some previous studies have indicated that the working class is still relevant and has not lost its significance as a determinant of voting behaviour to same extent in the Nordic countries as in other Western democracies in the 21st century. Moreover, the societal change, its consequences, and declining trends in class voting have motivated scholars to consider the subjective approach to voters' class positions. Typically, scholars who have focused on the subjective approach, i.e., class identification, have considered the declining trend in class voting more carefully. This study aims to provide new knowledge on the Finnish working class' voting behaviour, party attachment, and attitudinal orientations from the perspective of class voting in 21 st century Finland. It originates from two observations on the Finnish electorate and party system in the 21 st century. The first observation relates to the continued significance of class identification among the Finnish electorate. Considerable majority of eligible voters identify with a specific social class, despite ongoing debates over the decreasing significance of social classes to voting preferences. The second observation relates to the notable changes, which have occurred in the Finnish party system in the 21 st century. A good example of this is a large share of working-class voters who switched from the SDP to the Finns Party in the 2011 parliamentary election. This study integrates these two separate observations together by studying the mechanisms of working-class voting from the perspective of class (in)congruence and voters' attitudinal orientations. As such, the study discovers how the working-class votes in 21st century Finland. The research problem is built on analysing working-class voting from the perspective of a two-dimensional approach to voters' class positions, i.e., class (in)congruence. The study formulates three groups of working-class voters by considering voters' occupation and class identification. The first group, the traditional working class , consists of blue-collar employees with working-class identification. The second group, the occupational working class, is blue-collar employees who do not have working-class identification, but they identify with the lower-middle, middle, or upper-middle class. The third group, the ideological working-class, consists of those who are not blue-collar employees by their occupation but have working-class identification. In addition, the study considers the working-class voters' attitudinal orientations, the significance the previous research has highlighted with regard to determining voting decisions in the 21 st century. The datasets used for the analyses are the 2003-2019 Finnish National Elections Studies (FNES). The first part of the study's threefold analysis focuses on finding factors that explain class incongruence and congruence among the three working-class groups. The results show that class of the childhood home, the level of education, and spouse's occupation are the most significant factors that explain both class incongruence and congruence. Above all, working-class childhood home is the most significant factor that explains working-class identification. The second analysis examines the extent to which three working-class groups differ from each other based on their attitudinal orientations, i.e., the extent that class (in)congruence affects attitudinal orientations. The results show that the three working-class groups differ from each other by their socioeconomic and sociocultural orientations. The ideological working-class is more leftist based on their socioeconomic orientation than the traditional or the occupational working class. In addition, the results show that the occupational working class has a more conservative sociocultural orientation than the traditional and ideological working class. From the outcome of the results, all three working-class groups have more opposing attitudes towards the EU than other voters. The third analysis combines the previous analyses and examines the extent that party choices among the Finnish working-class voters are influenced by the class (in)congruence and the voters' attitudinal orientations. Moreover, the last analysis aims to discover the extent the class (in)congruence affects directly working-class voters' party choice or indirectly via the working-class voters' attitudinal orientations. The findings indicate that the working-class' voting patterns are multidimensional and cannot be defined as simple class-party ties in 21 st century Finland. The traditional left-wing parties, the SDP, and the Left Alliance, are still parties, to which working-class voters give their votes in general. This study shows that the party choices of the Finnish working class is determined by their attitudinal orientations. In spite of this, the leftist socioeconomic orientation, which is traditionally linked to working-class voting, is increasingly less common determinant of party choice among the Finnish working class. The results show that belonging to a particular working-class group and having a particular socioeconomic orientation do not increase the likelihood of voting any of the six parties under study. Instead, there can be distinguished an indirect effect on party choice, which goes via opposing attitudes towards the EU among each working class group. In addition, belonging to the occupational working class has an indirect effect on voting both for the Centre Party and the Finns Party via conservative sociocultural orientation. Overall, the results indicate that traditional working class voting still occurs in 21 st century Finland, but the votes of the working class tend to be shared between several parties. Along with the SDP and the Finns Party, Finnish working-class voters give their votes to the Green League, the Left Alliance, and the Centre Party. One important finding is that the Finns Party is, however, able to compete for the votes of the working class among each of the three working-class groups. The party can gather support from all working-class groups despite their class identification, occupation, or level of education. The findings also show that despite the split of the Finns Party in June 2017, the split fails to reduce the party's popularity among the working-class voters. Moreover, the EU criticism has moved working-class voters closer to the Finns Party. While the opposing views about the EU have been linked to voting for the other parties as well, the Finns Party has undoubtedly managed to channel particularly these types of votes among the working-class voters. The findings show that working-class voting still occurs in 21 st century Finland revealing that when a comprehensive approach is applied to the voters' class positions, important knowledge on the patterns and mechanisms of class voting is provided. The study contributes to the vast literature on class voting by applying a two-dimensional approach to voters' class positions and combining it with the voters' attitudinal orientations. If one of the three factors—objective class-position, subjective class-position, and attitudinal orientations—is not examined, then the essential mechanisms of class voting remain undiscovered. Future class-voting studies should consider all subjective class indicators, the voter's occupation, and voters' attitudinal orientations.
