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The first part of the article deals with questions concerning the oncoming enlargement of the European Union by former eastern-bloc countries such as Poland, Hungary, the Czech and Slovakian Republics, Romania, Bulgaria as well as Slovenia and the three Baltic states. It focuses upon the "europe-Treaties" which the European Union has concluded or is going to conclude the countries obove. The question being raised is whether these treaties can be regarded as sufficient preparation for future membership in the European Union. The treaties' specific deficiencies, such as the existence of a safeguard-clause, as well as the exclusion of a unitary competition right and of the agrarian market are mentioned. The enormous differences between the GDP per capita of the most advances Vysehrad-countries and least developed members of the European Union, as well as the non-compatible structure of these countries' national economies are expected to cause extraordinary problems of adjustment. Furthermore the question is raised if the option of further integration without membership would not be a viable alternative for the oncoming 8 to 10 years. The second part of the article deals with the future perspective of an enlarged Union. First the specific three-structure of the Union is described; the Union being characterized as a "compound" of supranational and intergovernmental elements. Questions concerning the oncoming reforms of the institutions are raised. Furthermore, the article deals with the aspect of a guiding principle for future political development of the Union. The Author concludes that the idea of a European State cannot be regarded as a realistic perspective for the oncoming decades. The objective of a general supranationalisation in the field of European cooperation would inevitably lead to a fundamental conflict with the principles of democracy; this being due to the lack of a unitary European nation as the sovereign and the subject of democracy. A mixed structural "compound" not unlike the present three-pillared structure is therefore the only realistic alternative in the foreseeable furure. Moreover the entire process of cooperation demands a stronger diversification in that not all members have to participate in all fields of integration at the same time. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The paper consists of three parts. The first one describes the conditions in which foreign trade with UE countries is carried out. Those conditions are a result of dozens of years of Common Agricultural Policy followed by EEC countries whose objectives and system conditions for their realisation have been presented in the paper. The evolution of objectives and measures taken to achieve them have also been shown. The second part addresses the need to protect the food market in Poland, suggesting to make use of the UE's experience in that respect, including mainly the implementation of certain system conditions and necessary instruments required to provide protection of the market. The third part gives an account of what has happened so far in the area of the realisation of the Agreement about a Liaison between Poland and the European Union countries in the sector of food processing and agriculture. The 'agricultural' part of the Agreement has been presented and the possibilities of trading plus first attempts of its evaluation have also been presented. They do not look too good for Poland which seems to receive disadvantaged treatment in comparison with the countries associated in the EU. The ratification of GATT agreements relatively reduces those benefits, too. Therefore, the need to renegotiate the agricultural part of the agreement may be required if the promised benefits for Poland were to remain on paper only. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The general aim of the paper is a systenatization of concepts and also an analysis of some aspects of the process of forming institutional infrastructure in Europe after the collapse of centrally managed economic system. Characteristic feature of such transformations is that they concern mainly the sphere of non-material components of economic subjects' surrouding. This involves difficulties in monitoring them and in interpreting them in a strict way. Europe needs a transformation of all the elements of its institutional infrastructure. In teh case of such institutions-organizations as European Union or NATO - an evolution is expected towards their more universal character. Within the institutions of codified principles the developing of European political infrastructure (i.e. agreements serving increased co-operation of all States of the region) is more particularly desirable. The element that unites transformations of institutions-organizations and institutions-formali zed principles is the fact that both of them are undertaken fully consciously. Also changes within institutions-non-formalized principles are of much importance for the process of European integration. The changes are the result of very complex and time consuming economic and social developments. The need for such changes involves more particularly the societies of former Eastern Europe which, under specific conditions of centrally planned economy, have developped institutional system quite difficult to adept it to the market economy. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

Please visit: http://krzysztoffirlej.pl/; krzysztof.firlej@uek.krakow.pl ; Przedstawiony artykuł nakreśla problematykę możliwości w zakresie przygotowywania właściwej konkurencyjności dla jednostek organizacyjnych funkcjonujących w polskim agrobiznesie do warunków istniejących w Unii Europejskiej. Polskie przedsiębiorstwa już od początku wczesnych lat dziewięćdziesiątych rozpoczęły trudną drogę przystosowania, przekształceń strukturalnych i organizacyjnych umożliwiających im konkurencję na wewnętrznym rynku krajowym, jak i w przyszłym unijnym. W tym celu zostały wyasygnowane przez Unię Europejską i rząd polski specjalne środki finansowe, które miały za zadanie realizację powyższych zamierzeń. Niestety środki przeznaczane na ten cel były zbyt małe, niemniej jednak umożliwiły wsparcie tychże działań podejmowanych przez nasz kraj. ; The article discusses the possibilities of enhancing the competitiveness of the organizational units in Polish agribusiness in the context of their adaptation for the requirements of the European Union. Since early 1990s, Polish companies have been faced with the difficulties of adaptations as well as structural and organizational transformations, which are to enhance their competitiveness, first on the Polish market, and then within the European Union. In order to accomplish these goals, special funds have been assigned by the European Union and the Polish government. These funds were insufficient, nonetheless they allowed our country to instigate action in this area. ; Krzysztof Firlej

The main purpose of the article is to assess the efficiency of the policy of economic stabilization, carried out by the EEC member states, and to distinguish the significance of particular instruments of fiscal and monetary policy in these countries. The article consists of two parts. The first part contains the presentation of some categories of the stabilization policy as well as two models of transmitting the impulses of the stabilization policy. The first is based on Keynesian and neoclassical assumptions while the other originates from monetaristic conceptions. The above models indicated main instruments of the stabilization policy, analysed in the second part of the article. The analysis has been carried out by means of the multistage regression method and the degree of "kindness" of correlation of equations has been measured by the corrected determination coefficient R2. The results of the analysis point out to: — the diversified character of national functions of reaction, — the stabilizing influence of the European Monetary System, — the eclectic character of methods applied in the stabilization policy by the governments of the EEC member states. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The article discusses the issues of an agreement between the two European integration organizations and the systems of financing those groups. In recent times, the negotiations aimed at concluding a treaty between, the European Community and the CMEA are conducted more and more often. Since an important place in relations between the two organizations will fall to financial matters, the article shows similarities and differences in that respect. The article discusses budget economy, taxation, bank organization and currency matters. To attain the integration, the European Communities employ in the first place financial instruments, whereas the main tool to further the integration of the CMEA countries is the coordination of their economic plans, the financial instruments being of secondary importance. However, in future it will be indispensable for the CMEA countries to use more and more often the financial instruments in order to achieve integration. The latter requirement is important also for a future agreement between the two organizations. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The population ageing process is characterized by two stages. At the second stage a share of the oldest old (people aged 80 years and more) increases very rapidly bringing challenges to social policy actors and to all society. The European population is now very differentiated by share of the oldest old. The EU countries are now more advanced in the second stage of population ageing in comparison to the candidate countries, but in the next five decades it will change due to limitation of fertility in Central and Eastern European countries. In the future in 2050 – according to the UN population projections (medium variant) – 15% share of the oldest old is expected in the most advanced regions. The mentioned population of the oldest old will be feminized and getriatrized (proportion of people aged 85 years and more is expected to increase significantly).

The article discusses the process of formation of internal makret of 12 member states of the European Communities and analyses its implications for Poland. Attention was paid to the fact that European internal market is a consequence of economic integration within the Communities. In June 1985 the Commission prepared for the Council of Ministers the so-called White Paper on the implementation of internal market. Its content is very interesting, for it defines the features of internal market and contains about 300 proposals to implement internal market in various spheres. These proposals are accompanied by a detailed schedule of their realization. By the end of 1988 the Council of Ministers took about 90 decisions with respect to the internal market implementation; further steps are being discussed in working groups. The White Paper was later confirmed by Single European Acts, having the binding force of treaties. Single European Acts define the notion of internal market of member states of the Communities, proclaim the rule of qualified majority vote for decisions taken by the Council and set the deadline for a full realization of internal market for December 31, 1992. Various economic implications for Poland result from the above. It is indispensable for Polish economy to achieve a certain degree of convergence with the economies of member states of the Communities. In order to accomplish it, deep reforms of the structure of economy and management are necessary. The article indicates main directions of reforms and ways of carrying them out. It is a very demanding task for the Polish economic policy. Otherwise, Poland would find itself outside the economic relations with the Communities. Therefore, the article is against "emergency" reforms and instead postulates the realization of far-reaching reforms which would take into account the changes on the economic map of Europe. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

Kaliningrad - a Russian enclave located on the Baltic Sea, neighbouring with Poland and Lithuania, is a worldwide political and legal oddity. The position of Kaliningrad is unique historically, economically and geopolitically. The region has a status of a f r e e economic zone and since 1996 of a special economic zone Economic problems appearing after dispersion of the USSR specifically affected an economic collapse of the enclave. The district of Kaliningrad belongs to the most militarised regions of Russia. Russian generals stress that the military and strategic role of the Kaliningrad district is much more important for Russia than its economic meaning. The shift of NATO eastwards and accession to the European Union of the countries f r om the close neighbourhood of Kaliningrad not only will not sharpen sufficiently complicated inner problems of the district, but they will allow the region to get softly into 'the situation of new Europe' without secession from Russia. According to the Governor L. Gorbenko, there are justified grounds to call Kaliningrad the Russian gate to Europe. As whole Russia will not be able to join the European community, so, according to A. Tuczyński, it can afford to create such a legal system and such conditions to make Kaliningrad (as an inseparable part of Russia) able to j o in it. Yet guarantees by Moscow are indispensable here. Whereas in Moscow Kaliningrad is perceived as a region of a future economic growth. According to evaluations by Scandinavian and German political scientists, the enlargement of NATO and the European Union eastwards will positively affect the district of Kaliningrad in a longer run. Searches how to solve the problem of the Russian enclave should be still carried out especially in Russia itself and in the District of Kaliningrad. Warsaw, Berlin, Stockholm and the European Union in their policies towards Kaliningrad adhere to the principles of inviolability of borders, disarmament and economic growth. Only 'europeisation' i.e. inclusion into European economic and cultural structures, and according to J. Zaleski - 'baltication' of Kaliningrad is the only wise solution. This opinion is also shared by the author of the paper. Russia, which so far has not officially shown such a readiness, may become convinced, by means of diplomatic negotiations, to recognise the only reason for the further fate of the enclave and make it the Russian region within the European Union. Despite signing the agreement between NATO and Russia, the road from resignation from confrontation to a universe cooperation with the North Atlantic Treaty will be very long. Only economically strong and integrated Baltic Europe has an opportunity to be present on the map of united Europe in the 21st century. ; Marcin Polom

Thè article presents the problems of regional and border cooperation as the element of shaping the european unity. It is composed of three parts and contains concluding remarks. In the first part the author presents general legal assumptions and legal grounds for such cooperation, reflected in the Constitution of Austria. In the second part the author presents the participation of Austrian states in shaping and functioning of three Working Communities: ARGE-ALP, AGRE Alpen-Adria and AGRE-Donaulaender. In the third part the author presents multilateral and bilateral activities of particular states, and focuses his attention on the period of the early 1990s. In concluding remarks the author summarizes main theses of the analysis. They could be reduced to the statement that regional and border cooperation niay bring many positive effects, especially if it is well prepared and organized. Besides, a decentralized form of the state and the existence of strong regions is a basic prerequisite for the success of such activities, corresponding well with various recommendations and conventions of the Council of Europe. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

PROTECTION OF THE POLISH GEOLOGICAL HERITAGE WITHIN THE EUROPEAN FRAMEWORK OF GEOSITES Summary The European framework of most valuable and representative geosites initiated by IUGS is created to participate inRegional Working Groups of ProGEO — European Association for the Conservation of the Geological Heritage, as the GLOBALGEOSITES project. The draft European list of key geosites published in 1998 has been verified and supplemented by particular countries. The Polish list now comprises 149 (doubling the amount in the draft list) selected geosites of various types. Most of them are related to stratigraphy and geomorphology, while palaeobiological and plaeoenvironmental sites are noteworthy. About 55% the total number of proposed sites are already legally protected and a haft of the remaining ones have been just documented and prepared to conservation. Geosite lists of Polish particular regions are open for the discussion and corrections. In the next few years the database of the Polish candidate geosites will be ready to comparative assessments with other European regional lists and the second stage of selection. In the national geoconservation strategy this database should be the first foundation of the Polish Red Book of Geosites.

Reprivatization is one of the problems Polish politicians have failed to solve for 15 years. They developed nearly a score of drafts of reprivatization acts, none of which has been implemented. Election campaigns and government changes most frequently obstructed them. This happened to the draft developed by Hanna Suchocka's government, later withheld by the next government of Waldemar Pawlak and the coalition of SLD-PSL (Democratic Left Alliance – Polish People's Party). The coalition AWS-UW (Solidarity Election Action – Freedom Union) was very likely to launch reprivatization. Although it had the required majority in the Parliament, the political disputes inside the Solidarity Election Action prevented reprivatization. For the Solidarity Election Action with Marian Krzaklewski, general endowment was to ensure the victory to the party and himself in the next parliamentary and presidential elections respectively. As a result of the internal disputes, the reprivatization act was vetoed by President Kwaśniewski and the elections marked the AWS's collapse. After Poland's accession to the European Union former property owners have increasingly been demanding to restore the seized property, yet the issue does not seem likely to be solved soon and the very idea of reprivatization dissolves in political and ideological controversies. ; Reprivatization is one of the problems Polish politicians have failed to solve for 15 years. They developed nearly a score of drafts of reprivatization acts, none of which has been implemented. Election campaigns and government changes most frequently obstructed them. This happened to the draft developed by Hanna Suchocka's government, later withheld by the next government of Waldemar Pawlak and the coalition of SLD-PSL (Democratic Left Alliance – Polish People's Party). The coalition AWS-UW (Solidarity Election Action – Freedom Union) was very likely to launch reprivatization. Although it had the required majority in the Parliament, the political disputes inside the Solidarity Election Action prevented reprivatization. For the Solidarity Election Action with Marian Krzaklewski, general endowment was to ensure the victory to the party and himself in the next parliamentary and presidential elections respectively. As a result of the internal disputes, the reprivatization act was vetoed by President Kwaśniewski and the elections marked the AWS's collapse. After Poland's accession to the European Union former property owners have increasingly been demanding to restore the seized property, yet the issue does not seem likely to be solved soon and the very idea of reprivatization dissolves in political and ideological controversies.

The aim of this paper is to check how the different "starting" level to the market economy in 1990 and a different pace of economic reform introduction affect the level of development and use of communication infrastructure in former European socialist countries in 1999. In their analysis, the Authors have used six variables, as well as multifeature and monofeature classifications, and ranking. Four groups of countries with differentiated level of communication development have been distinguished: Slovenia and Estonia (relatively well developed communication); Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, and Bulgaria (distinguished by good accessibility to telephones); Belarus, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Yugoslavia, Macedonia, Moldova, Romania, and Ukraine (the most visible feature is a low number of telephone connections and a small number of hosts); Albania (with a very low level of communication development). As the result of ranking, the countries have been ordered from the countries that have the best conditions and abilities of their inhabitants' communication to the countries with the weakest conditions. The best situation in this respect is in the wealthy Slovenia, and Estonia that intensively co-operates with the Scandinavian countries. The second group comprises the remaining two of the wealthiest communities in the region: the Czech Republic and Hungary. The worst developed is communication in the countries that quite recently have been inflicted by acts of war, or their governments have not started fast economic reforms (Yugoslavia, Macedonia, Ukraine, Romania, Belarus, Moldova, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Albania). The medium developed countries compose the last group, including Bulgaria, Slovakia, Croatia, Poland, Latvia, and Lithuania. These all countries are the ones that potentially could belong to the first or the second group, with a high level of communication development, but during the last decade a mistake was made somewhere. In Poland, such a mistake is the inconsistent policy of consecutive governments that have not carried out the actual demonopolisation of the market of telephone services and access to Internet. ; Marcin Polom

Reprivatization is one of the problems Polish politicians have failed to solve for 15 years. They developed nearly a score of drafts of reprivatization acts, none of which has been implemented. Election campaigns and government changes most frequently obstructed them. This happened to the draft developed by Hanna Suchocka's government, later withheld by the next government of Waldemar Pawlak and the coalition of SLD-PSL (Democratic Left Alliance – Polish People's Party). The coalition AWS-UW (Solidarity Election Action – Freedom Union) was very likely to launch reprivatization. Although it had the required majority in the Parliament, the political disputes inside the Solidarity Election Action prevented reprivatization. For the Solidarity Election Action with Marian Krzaklewski, general endowment was to ensure the victory to the party and himself in the next parliamentary and presidential elections respectively. As a result of the internal disputes, the reprivatization act was vetoed by President Kwaśniewski and the elections marked the AWS's collapse. After Poland's accession to the European Union former property owners have increasingly been demanding to restore the seized property, yet the issue does not seem likely to be solved soon and the very idea of reprivatization dissolves in political and ideological controversies.

The Polish Slavophile concepts at the time of the Second World War were part and parcel of the general tendencies and suggestions based on the assumption that Poland's future, political power, and safety will be guaranteed through the tightening of its links with other states of the East-Central and Southern Europe. The said territories were predominantly inhabited by the Slavs, who found themselves in the war time under threat of losing the very foundations of their national and political existence, so it was, in a sense, natural that many theorists and publicists representing various political orientations saw the ethnic affinity of the Slavs as an important factor in bringing together the nations of Central Europe. This did not have to imoly any deep theoretical consequences, but, as in the past, the historical affinities, and the sense of an ethnic solidarity inspired the creation of political programmes and entire historical and philosophical systems based on the utopian conviction that the blood relationship and the cultural and linguistic links will enable the Slavs to unite politically, economically, and even spiritually and to form, together with some non-Slavonic but culturally close nations, akind of Central European community (a federation, a confederacy, a union, an empire etc.), which would also give some new quality to the dvilisational development of the whole international community. Such convictions, based on the myth of the Slavonic unity, could be found in the thought of all the main ideological and political currents of Poland's independence movement, apart from the socialists and the last remnants of Pilsudski's followers, and in many circles existing on the margins of the main political formations. Various political forces had their different, depending on their ideological colouring, models of the Slavonic community and saw differently its tasks, possibilities, and character. The political and military groupings which represented the nationalistic, or national Catholic, orientation, such as the "Secession" National Party, The National Armed Forces, the Confederacy of the Nation, saw the Slavonic ethnic unity as a chance to construct a Greater Poland, and multiply the power of the nation through links with other nations seen as "close in blood and spirit", i.e. mainly the West Slavonic ones. Similar conceptions could encountered among the Christian Democratic, or rather national-Catholic circles (such as the Union, or the Party of Labour) with the difference that they put more emphasis on the reconstruction by the civilisationally still immature Slavonic nations of "the ideals of liberty and Christian ethics", and of international and interpersonal relations based on the Christian morality. For the political forces representing the peasants' movement (the "Roch" Popular Party, the "Orka" Union of the peasants' Labour) the Slavonic idea was a natural completion of the concept of the union of the Saving nations of East-Central Europe, whose population was largely composed of peasants, on the basis of agrarianism. The theories about the dvilisational backwardness of the Slavs combined here with a fascination with the peasantry; and with the belief that the peasants, representing the healthiest, morally and spiritually, part of the nation, and being intimately linked to the soil, can understand better than others the ideals of freedom and democracy. The attitude of the democratic political forces, mainly the Democratic Party, to the Slavonic idea, was, on the other hand, usually devoid of elements of mysticism and exaltation; and might be called the most rational. In this case, the Slavonic community, based naturally on the linguistic and cultural affinities, was to be ideologically founded on the Slavs' understanding of the community of interests, especially with regard to the safety of the Central European region. In the case, however, of the Polish Workers', the Union of Polish Patriots in the USSR, and later the groupings connected with the National State Council, the Slavonic idea was understood as the safeguarding of Poland's interests and those of the other states of the region by means of an alliance and close co-operation with the Soviet Union and the Slavonic nations that inhabited it. It is worth emphasising that the Polish concepts of the Slavonic co-operation from the period of the Second World War only rarely postulated that the Slavonic nations should "merge" into one biological and spiritual whole. Instead, we have to do with proposals to form a more or less integrated confederate state or a union of states.