Suchergebnisse

In light of the dramatic events in the Middle East in the course of the spring 2003, it has become more & more important to focus the interest on the multidimensional relationship between the West & Arabic world. The Barcelona process or the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) is relatively purely known, but nevertheless an important aspect of the European Union's policy toward the Arabic countries. The EMP was launched in 1995 between the EU & 12 countries on the southern side of the Mediterranean Sea. The article gives a brief account of the content & the form of the project by Dec 2002 & explains at the same time the motive behind the European activities in the Mediterranean region. The three parts of the project (the political, the economical & the cultural partnership) are then analyzed focusing on the actual challenges. Problems are of financial as well as of cultural character, but the main responsibility for the slow progress characterizing the project is to be sought in the diverse interests of the member countries in important areas as trade & security politics. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

In May 2004, the new EU members will also become members of the EEA. This article discusses the negotiations on the enlargement of the EEA. During the negotiations the EFTA countries were faced with tough demands of radically increasing their financial support to the new member states of the EU. The result of the negotiations made the EFTA countries, particularly Norway, significant net contributors to the enlargement process, more so than many of the member states. The article discusses the negotiations & examines factors that can explain the outcome. Based on survey data the article also demonstrates the overwhelmingly positive attitudes of Norwegians toward enlargement. 1 Table, 16 References. Adapted from the source document.

Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, & Hungary have in little more than ten years established market-based economies. The countries chose, in spite of geographical proximity & historical links, different reform strategies, especially with respect to inflation stabilization & privatization. The different strategies can to a large extent be explained by different starting points. In preparation for EU membership, the economic policies in the four countries have gradually converged. The economic results have been mixed. Many have gained from greater choice & higher living standards. Still, economic growth is only slightly above the performance of the EU countries, unemployment is high, & government budgets exhibit large deficits. Membership of the EU could bring about more trade & investment & help narrow the income gap towards Western Europe. Adapted from the source document.

The article addresses the problem of welfare gaps in Europe in the context of the planned enlargement of the EU & NATO. In the beginning of 1990s one of the greatest challenges facing the West was the possibility of uncontrolled mass migration from the former Soviet bloc. The Western institutions, the EU & NATO, could meet this challenge by introducing restrictions on the movement of people, but they decided to embark on what could be termed a policy of "institutional migration." They both decided to go east & at the same time formulated clear entry criteria for those who wanted to join them. After a decade of difficult negotiations, Europe will take the next step on 1 May 2004 when 10 new countries will join the European integration project as new members. However, there are some signs that this enlargement can result in the creation of not a united but a more divided Europe, where the principle of solidarity may become a victim of short-sighted political games. The introduction of restrictions on the access to the common labor market to the citizens of the new member states is an unfortunate symbolic signal sent by the old members of the EU & may herald the creation of a Europe of two speeds, a development that may have far-reaching consequences for the future of the whole European integration project that for more than 50 years has secured peace on the continent. 2 Tables, 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article gives a background to the resumption of peace negotiations in Nicosia in Jan 2002. The negotiations follow on a period of increased polarization in the conflict resulting from the prospects that Cyprus will be admitted to the European Union (EU). Concepts from ripeness theory are thereafter used in an analysis of whether the Cyprus conflict is now ripe for resolution. Although the prospect of EU membership is found to have provided Greek & Turkish Cypriots with new incentives to strike a deal in their long-standing conflict, the prevailing asymmetry -- to which EU has added -- raises doubts on the possibility of reaching an agreement in time for admission. In addition, on neither side has the ground been prepared for a compromise settlement. However, the development of EU's relationship with Turkey is found to be of even more crucial importance, as that will have a decisive effect on the respective parties' incentive structure. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes EU actor capacity in security policy with special emphasis on crisis management. She places this within the larger context of security policy & the transatlantic debate over the role of NATO, the case of Iraq, & different national interests of key member states. The author concludes that the EU has steadily developed its capacity to undertake the various types of crisis management, but that the role of the EU as a security actor will be determined by the larger systemic decision making in this area. The crisis over Iraq may very well lead to a consolidation of the EU's role. 33 References. Adapted from the source document.

Surveys cooperative roles of the Nordic states in connection to the expansion of the European Union. Overlap between membership in NATO & the EU makes development issues of critical importance for the Nordic states. Aside from taking part in some of the general challenges currently encompassed in the EU agenda, such as the improvement of transatlantic relations & the development of the EU Constitution, the Nordic states should also strive, it is suggested, to play a key role in the EU's expansion to include Baltic states. Nordic investment in environmental development in Russia & the Baltic region, Baltic interest in Nordic policy, & other factors position the Nordic states to be effective role players in the EU expansion. While certain initiatives in this arena have been met with success, a diminished visibility in EU decision making is nonetheless feared. Several suggestions are here made that approach the need to more effectively advance cooperation between both dominant EU powers & newcomers alike. C. Brunski

In this article we highlight the role of Kaliningrad in Russia, the relationship between Lithuania, Kaliningrad, & Russia in the EU & NATO enlargement processes, & finally, Russian policy towards the EU & NATO enlargement to the Baltic. The article concludes that Kaliningrad today, more than in the previous decade, can be seen as an inclusive region under federal control in the economic area. Militarily, Russia has yet to formulate a clear policy for Kaliningrad. Future Russian policy in general & the policy on Kaliningrad in particular will for the most part depend on the development of the EU (on military cooperation & on enlargement) & on the dialogue between Russia & NATO (on enlargement, on combating terrorism & other issues). Until today the relationship between Lithuania & Russia has mainly been influenced by their common Soviet history, but will in the future to a larger extent be influenced by Lithuania's increasing cooperation with the EU & NATO. 26 References. Adapted from the source document.