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The COVID-19 pandemic brought on the so-called "coronacrisis," a global crisis event enormous in size and force. The crisis questioned the ability of states and instruments of international governance to respond quickly and effectively to the global threats. It is noteworthy that there was no strong correlation between crisis management efficacy and the type of political system of a country. However, the countries with elaborated and well-financed health systems, were able to struggle with the devastating consequences of the coronacrisis better than those with systemic, structural and financial problems of their healthcare sectors. It is obvious that the ability to manage the coronacrisis is not related to the type of political governance or ideology, but to the state administrative resources and competence of the cabinet / leaders. That potentially gave an opportunity for countries with different ideological foundations to neglect their tensions and unite the efforts in the containment of the SARS-CoV-2 virus (e.g. create mutual programmes of vaccination and medicine distribution). The main forces are the Transatlantic alliance, Russia and China. Unfortunately, no visible COVID-19-related agreement between them ever happened so far. Instead, the coronacrisis situation was used by the political rivals to intensify their aggressive rhetoric against each other (e.g., USA and Russia, USA and China) or profit from it in deepening international collaboration not connected with the pandemic itself (e.g., Russia and China). We do not observe any real mutual efforts of liquidating the pandemic consequences even within an ideological block, to say nothing about different blocks. The US–EU relationships worsened during the pandemic, especially at the background of Trump's cool attitude towards international organisations and his decision to leave the World Health Organization in the midst of the pandemic and his threatening words that US may also abandon the NATO. Likewise, John Bolton spoke of the EU as an entity hostile ...

Maģistra darba mērķis ir izvērtēt Āfrikas Savienības (ĀS) nozīmi miera un drošības uzturēšanā, darba sākumā izvirzot apgalvojumu, ka ĀS lielākie izaicinājumi miera uzturēšanā un konfliktu risināšanā ir nespēja nodrošināt nepieciešamo resursu mobilizāciju un spēku ģenerēšanu. Darba teorētiskajā ietvarā tiek aplūkoti miera uzturēšanas un konfliktu pārvaldības principi, kā arī reģionālo organizāciju loma miera uzturēšanā. Darba tālākajā gaitā tiek aplūkoti drošības izaicinājumi Āfrikā, ĀS izveides vēsturiskais konteksts un tās galvenie darbības principi un miera uzturēšanas un konfliktu pārvaldības instrumenti. Pētījuma analīzes daļā tiek izvērtētas ĀS miera uzturēšanas misijas Burundi, Sudānā un Somālijā, analizējot ĀS ieguldījumu šo konfliktu risināšanā. Darba noslēgumā tika apkopoti ĀS miera un drošības uzturēšanas ierobežojumi un izaicinājumi. ; The main aim of this thesis is to assess the role of the African Union (AU) in the maintenance of peace and security in Africa. This study focuses on the argument that the main challenge affecting the AU's peacekeeping and conflict resolution capabilities is the inability to provide the necessary resource mobilization and force generation. The theoretical basis of this thesis consists of peacekeeping, conflict management and resolution principles, as well as the role of regional organizations in the maintenance of peace and security. Further discussed topics are the security challenges in Africa, the establishment of the AU, as well as its key operating principles and peacekeeping and conflict management tools. The analysis section focuses on the AU peacekeeping missions in Burundi, Sudan and Somalia, which were selected to evaluate the role of the AU.