Suchergebnisse

This paper discusses Helena Radlinska's (1879-1954) international activity. Helena Radlińska was the initiator of social pedagogy in Poland but her activities abroad in 1918-1939 is not yet known. Her works, their scope, aims and directions were interconnected with the largest european centres of education: International Congress of Moral Education in London, International Office of Education in Geneva, International Leuge of New Socialization in Geneva, Association of International Conferences of Adult Education in England and International Conferences of Social Services in Paris. Her engagement for many years in these organizations led to multiple social and institutional achievements together with scientific, methodological and methodical developments. Along this route the main life achievement in Radlinska's life- the development of a discipline of social pedaogogy, connects the development of individuals with insvestment in social and cultural spehere of life. Radlinska's activity makes Warsaw of her times one of the core places of international cooperation in the field of education, socialisation and social work.

One of the most important socio-economic challenges is the skilful transformation of the economy towards low and zero-emission energy sources. This transformation is ongoing, and Poland, due to its high dependence on coal and high emissions has a challenging task to perform. Hence, the article aims to indicate the activities undertaken by Poland as part of the energy transformation related to the European Green Deal and the impact of energy transformation on the Polish economy. Therefore, the issues discussed include: explaining the principles characterizing the European Green Deal programme, describing the current state of the Polish energy sector, indicating activities that will make Poland a zero-emissions nation, and highlighting the economic implications of this energy transformation at the national level. The analysis shows that the transformation of the domestic energy sector is a long-term, ongoing process. The share of green energy in the national mix is systematically, albeit slowly, growing, and energy sector emissions show a downward trend, although in the current difficult energy situation in Europe, this trend may slow down. Moreover, for systemic and financial reasons it is not possible to quickly replace energy production from coal with other low or zero-emission energy carriers. The study used a critical analysis of the literature and strategic documents on the energy sector, the institutional and legal method, the prognostic method, and inductive inference.

The article concerns the cooperation of NATO's eastern flank countries in support of war-torn Ukraine. The aim of the discussion is to show the actions of the B9 countries, implementing the ideas and tasks of defence diplomacy, undertaken during the first year of the war (24 February, 2022 – 24 February, 2023). This support took place in several key areas: political, diplomatic, military, and humanitarian. It was of fundamental importance for maintaining the functioning and stability of Ukraine and its fighting capabilities, especially in the early period after the Russian Federation's invasion. The author tried to verify the following: how was Ukraine supported in practice? Did all B9 countries equally and with the same level of commitment provide assistance in all the identified areas? What factors could potentially strengthen or weaken the B9 countries' involvement in implementing the ideas of defence diplomacy in Ukraine? The analysis was based on current data and materials made available over the past year in the media and on the Internet.

The generation "NEET" (young people not in employment, education or training) is becoming a serious social problem in the European Union due to the large scale of the phenomenon. For this reason, it arouses interest among politicians, academics and professionals involved in helping people excluded from the labour market and education system, including social workers. The NEET category, which is characterized in the article, are potential beneficiaries of social assistance. Attention will be focused on the scale of the phenomenon in Europe, the socio-economic determinants of belonging to the NEET group, the effects of remaining outside the education system and the labour market, as well as initiatives taken both at the EU level and in the Member States for socio-professional reintegration of people from the NEET group. Knowledge of the issue will allow directing assistance activities provided by social workers to people from the NEET group.

The aim of the paper is to present the European gigabit society which is perceived by European Union's leaders as a model of the future European society and economy. It is based on new digital technologies of the XXI century and on new, very high capacity mobile telecommunications networks. The rapid growth of information being processed and transmitted through electronic communications networks needs new high-speed and highly reliable broadband networks essential to economic growth, competitiveness and innovation as well as better quality products, services and the citizen's satisfaction. The 5G communications network is the solution which is perceived as a type of network which should resolve these problems. In the paper the concept of the European gigabit society is clarifi ed, the 5G technology and its level of development in the European Union and in its Member States are described including Poland vis-à-vis the rest of the world. The European gigabit society is already under development and the 5G communication network is crucial to its success. It should be widely available in Europe including Poland. The paper is based on the analysis of offi cial documents of the European Union and its Member States including Poland, offi cial reports of the most active electronic telecommunications companies providing and implementing 5G technologies and on talks with representatives of some of the ones which are active on the Polish market.

The South-East European Cooperation Process (SEECP) was launched in 1996, however, its functioning is an ongoing research phenomenon. This regional cooperation format includes all 13 states of South-East Europe. It was established as a forum of political dialogue and consultation, where regional issues could be addressed at the highest level. One of the objectives of the SEECP was security cooperation. The aim of this article is to analyse the role of the SEECP in maintaining security in the region of the Western Balkans. This article argues that since 1996, the SEECP has been evolving and is becoming an important format of regional cooperation in South East Europe, however, it plays a limited role in maintaining the military security of the post-conflict states of the Western Balkans. From the point of view of the members of the SEECP, military security and peace could be obtained through the integration of the participants of the SEECP, in particular those located in the Western Balkans, with the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The article also shows that establishing the SEECP did not eliminate tensions and riots based on ethnicity in some states of the Western Balkans and so, the SEECP still has a lot to do in the matters of reconciliation and good-neighbourliness. The article is based on primary and secondary source analysis, case study method comparative analysis, and the historical method.

Celem artykułu jest ustalenie, czy wielkość miejscowości zamieszkania ma wpływ na deklaracje odnoszące się do wyróżnionych wartości związanych z rodziną, które w istotny sposób orientują działanie człowieka i tym samym tworzą zasady życia społecznego. Tekst napisano w oparciu o wtórną analizę danych statystycznych na podstawie zintegrowanego zbioru danych European Value Study/World Value Survey 2017-2021. Rezultaty badania wskazują, że różnice istotne statystycznie pomiędzy wielkością miejscowości pojawiły się w przypadku wszystkich zmiennych dotyczących rodzicielstwa. Mieszkańcy mniejszych miejscowości okazywali się bardziej konserwatywni. Zależność istotna statystycznie nie wystąpiła w przypadku deklaracji dotyczącej zaufania do rodziny. W przypadku niektórych odpowiedzi odnoszących się do postrzegania ról płciowych pojawiły się również istotne statystycznie różnice pomiędzy mieszkańcami mniejszych i większych miejscowości. Wartości i normy są inne w zależności od kultury, w której się wychowujemy. Kontrola społeczna jest silniejsza w mniejszych miejscowościach, tam bowiem trudniej pozostać anonimowym. Badanie potwierdziło, że wielkość miejscowości zamieszkania w wielu przypadkach istotnie statystycznie różnicuje wartości Polaków związane z rodziną i właśnie mieszkańcy mniejszych miejscowości częściej okazywali się przywiązani do koncepcji bardziej tradycyjnych, konserwatywnych.

The aim of the paper is to present ramifi cations in the field of family law, inheritance law and tax law which arise from the lack of recognition of registered partnerships and same-sex marriages in certain European Union Member States, such as Poland. The lack of recognition is commonly perceived as discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation, but the emphasis is usually placed on its consequences concerning human rights. In this article, the author focused on discriminatory aspects in the area of family life and personal taxation. A lack of appropriate provisions in domestic law produces negative effects affecting taxation obligations for cross-border families that concluded their marriages or partnerships abroad but cannot benefi t from these institutions in certain EU Member States such as Poland. For the purpose of determining discriminatory aspects, the author analysed the domestic rules differentiating couples living in a marriage and couples not possessing the right to marry. Due to lack of case-law on tax and inheritance discrimination resulting from sexual orientation, relevant case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Union have been recalled, revealing possible violations of fundamental
freedoms, including free movement of persons.

The Paris events recorded in November 2015 once again made people realize that Europe may also be the area of influence of contemporary terrorism. Individual countries and international organizations look for solutions that will improve security and thus reduce the risk of other attacks. One of the ways to reduce the potential risk of acts of terror is the imposition of restrictive regulations by the European Union regarding access to firearms and the sale of firearms. The article identifies contemporary terrorism as one of the most serious threats to international security. It presents and analyses formal, legal, and institutional solutions used in the fight against the phenomenon of terrorism. First, the analysis focuses on the solutions ap-plied by countries belonging to the United Nations Organization (UNO), and then the regula-tions adopted by the European Union. The rules governing the access to firearms by EU citi-zens, as well as the rules regarding the trade in firearms in the territory of the EU and the impact of these solutions on reducing the risk of terrorist attack, were analysed in detail.

The study aims to verify the existence of convergence of 28 European Union (EU) members and 16 non-EU post-socialist countries. The analysis covers the 1995–2018 period. The research has also been conducted for shorter subperiods: 1995–2004, 2004–2018, and 2010–2018. Three types of convergence are taken into account: beta (less developed countries exhibit a faster rate of economic growth than more developed ones), sigma (income differentiation decreases over time), and gamma (countries change their ranks in the GDP per capita ranking). The study confirms the existence of β-, σ-, and γ-convergence in both groups of countries. Convergence, however, is not an automatic phenomenon and there are years in which σ-divergence and γ-divergence were observed.

The article presents methodological theories, application of which, when adopting the political and legal research perspective, makes it possible to analyse the impact of comitology on the shape of law adopted in the European Union. The author assumes that in consideration of equally complex decision-making centers as comitology committees, whose structural element is their location between two levels – the Community and the national level, it is impossible to limit to only one research method. The purpose of the article is an attempt to demonstrate that the most reasonable approach to comitology research is to use institutional and legal analysis, which is based on theoretical assumptions combining political and legal sciences and to supplement it to explain phenomena occurring within the comitology committees by applying the assumptions of the theory PAT (Principal–Agent Theory), the Scharpf's theory of legitimacy of power, Wessels's fusion theory and analysis of empirical data. This approach is designed to enable the examination of normative acts, in which legal basis of functioning of the comitology institutions (i.e. the EU founding treaties, comitology regulations and judgments of the Court of Justice of the European Union), as well as to highlight a number of issues relevant to the practical aspect of the functioning of comitology committees.

Over the last two decades, family law has undergone changes in Western Europe, widening the definition of marriage to include same-sex couples. In addition, some East European countries offer a legal recognition of civil unions of same-sex couples, while others do not offer any legal recognition at all. This diversity in family law has been recently challenged by developments at the European level. It is argued here that this constitutes an adaptational pressure on those European Union (EU) member states that do not offer any or offer only formal recognition of same-sex couples. We examine two cases when member states faced such an adaptational pressure, namely Estonia and Latvia, focusing on the interplay of two types of factors. First is that of formal institutions which, due to their constitutional role or their expertise in the EU law, may act as facilitators of legal changes. On the other hand, there are also political actors which have tried to constrain such an adaptation. We examine here especially the role of two political parties which have made a considerable effort to oppose the change in the two countries. It is argued here that the ideological orientation of these parties explains, at least partly, their opposition to the ongoing Europeanization of family law. The paper concludes with a discussion of the main findings and their implications.