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India's Indo-Pacific diplomacy is born out of its 'Look East' policy, initially aimed at extending its influence into the Asia-Pacific region. Modi's June 2018 address at the Shangri La Dialogue marked New Delhi's full embracing of the Indo-Pacific concept. Thereafter, Indo-Pacific diplomacy, or such a vision, has become a new pillar of Indian foreign policy, and a new angle through which it is observed. India's Indo- Pacific diplomacy will continue to put emphasis on its relationship with ASEAN and respect for ASEAN's centrality in regional security cooperation. Meanwhile, India is expected to strengthen multilevel exchanges and cooperation in different areas with like-minded countries such as the US, Japan, and Australia, and continue to engage in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) – but probably keep a relatively low profile. Though it may share common interests with the US in dealing with a rising China, India so far seems to prefer hedging its bets on both China and the US, and is reluctant tochoose a side too early. Consequently, India's Indo-Pacific diplomacy will maintain a relatively clear-cut strategic independence. Limitations of India's Indo-Pacific diplomacy include: the kind of competition and confusion that seems to exist between its two ambitions, i.e. the Indian Ocean region as India's paramount strategic focus, and the Asia-Pacific as the hub of its Indo-Pacific diplomacy; ASEAN's centrality may be diminished by the Indo-Pacific; and India's simultaneous engagement with Quad and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization may leave the awkward impression of straddling two boats. ; 印度的印太外交脱胎于其东向政策,初心是为融入亚太。以莫迪2018 年6 月香格里拉论坛讲话为标志,印度已全面接受"印太"概念,印太外交或印太构想将成为印度对外政策的新视角和新支柱。印度的印太外交将继续重视东盟外交,尊重东盟在地区安全合作中的中心地位。同时,印度将与美、日、澳这些"志同道合"的国家在多个层面、多个领域强化互动与合作,会继续参与四国集团但会适度保持低调。尽管在应对中国崛起上印度与美国有共同利益,但印度目前仍希望在中美间采取对冲战略,不想过早选边站队,因此其印太外交将保持较强的战略自主性。印度印太外交的局限在于:印度的主要战略方向印度洋与其印太外交的主要方向——亚太之间似乎存在某种矛盾;印太本身冲击东盟的地区中心地位;以及印度同时参与四国集团和上合组织也让人感觉印度"脚踩两只船"。

本文以1860至1911年間外國旅華攝影師在中國的攝影作品為研究對象,致力於討論中國「舊照活化」文化現象中同一批照片在19世紀末20世紀初的西方與20世紀90年代以降的當代中國這兩個不同的社會語境和時段中的具體運用方式,以考察照片、歷史敘述、民族國家政治意識形態之間的關係,試圖在「雙時軌」的對比結構中為晚清攝影研究打開新的探討空間。 ; 論文主體部分圍繞著「國家」、「民族」和「革命」這三個當代晚清攝影運用中的關鍵概念展開,分析攝影作品內部的話語變化,以及與這種變化息息相關的「主體性」與文化政治問題。第二章以晚清旅華攝影師代表約翰·湯姆遜的中國成像為討論對象,在比較1874年在英國出版、湯姆遜自主編纂的附圖遊記《中國與中國人影像》與2009年由中國官方出版界重新選編的《晚清碎影》的基礎上,具體呈現不同的主體在「想像晚清中國」和「呈現晚清中國」上的差別。第三章繞著當代晚清相冊中的「民族」選題而展開,探討「少數民族」與「中華民族」的表現方式及其缺陷。第四章著重討論「辛亥革命」在當代晚清相冊中的表現方法,以《壹玖壹壹:從鴉片戰爭到軍閥混戰的百年影像史》為例,分析照片集如何在一個通俗歷史的框架下處理「辛亥革命」這一歷史節點。在此基礎上,結論部分總結了舊照活化文化現象下「國家」與「歷史敘述」的同構關係,並以「視覺」為中心,分析了以攝影為材料的歷史敘述如何建構「民族-國家」視野下的身份認同。 ; The China's early photographs have enjoyed a drastic revival of attentions in the recent decades. An important category of these photos are those taken by Westerners during the late Qing China. This thesis aims to investigate these subjects from a cultural historical perspective, the photos are thus considered as a form of representation instead of visual history materials, and a comparative approach was employed to discuss the complex relationship among photo image, imperialism, history narrating under the political structure of nation-state and China's contemporary social reality. ; Photographs which were taken by the Westerners during the late Qing China emerged in the age of European capitalism and imperialist expansion. After the year 1860, China was defeated by the British-French Alliance in the Second Opium War and the Qing government was forced to open up to the treat and culture of the west. This change attracted Westerners of different occupations, including commercial photographers, explorers and journalists, to photograph various geographical and social aspects that are of their interests. The kinds of photographed subjects they chose and the kinds of commentaries they made vividly reflected how they understand China from the imperialism point of view. ; A hundred years later, these late Qing photos become an important part of the "old photo revival" wave raised in the 1990s China. Much different from the time ...

香港醫療衛生發展的論述,通常至1941年便停止,然後由1945年重新探討,跳過了二次大戰期間的日治時代。雖然有大量關於英軍回憶、遊擊隊、一些口述歷史等的研究書籍,但這時期仍未得到充分的關注,尤其在社會發展方面。本文以《香港日報》為主要材料,嘗試析述被忽略的日治醫療衛生史。 ; 有關戰前香港醫療衛生的史觀,主要有「殖民醫學」與「殖民現代性」兩套理論。前者認為殖民力量將西醫強加於本地社會;後者則強調殖民統治帶來的正面作用,和殖民地有其獨特形式的現代性。直至日治前夕,香港的中西醫仍較為對等,中醫在民間有極大支持;西醫在政府政策上享有優勢。然而戰後出現的卻是另一景象,無論民間或政府皆接受西醫為主流醫學,中醫則潛藏於民間繼續傳承。這不代表中醫已被淘汰,只是西醫的發展已蓋過中醫,其中原因須追溯日治期間。日治政府承接英國殖民政府推行西醫,社會上有大量西醫常識流通,藥物使用習慣講求科學,日治時期的這些因素都為西醫在戰後普及做準備。 ; 本文為過往研究所忽略作補充,藉此重新思考「日治歷史」的意義。誠然這段歷史是傷痛的,但也不可主觀地跳過而不作討論,日治時期是連接香港二戰前後的發展。醫療衛生正是其中一個脈絡,本研究將就此提出新視角。 ; The analyses on Hong Kong medical and hygienic history often split into two time slots, one from the beginning as the British colony until 1941 and the other from 1945 to the present, mostly overlooking the period of Japanese occupation from 1942 to 1945. Although there are plenty of books for general readers, for examples, memoirs of British troops and Chinese guerillas, and oral history records about the Japanese occupation in Hong Kong, this period has not yet received due academic treatment. This dissertation, therefore, studies the neglected medical history of Hong Kong under the Japanese occupation using Honkon Nippō (Hong Kong News) as the main reference. ; Approaches to the discussion on prewar Hong Kong medical history apparently depend on two theories, namely the "colonial medicine and the "colonial modernity. The former perspective believes that colonial powers forced colonized societies to follow the European modernity, while the latter stresses the positive effects brought by colonizers and formations of own unique modernity among colonies. Before the Japanese occupation, both traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) and Western medicine (WM) enjoyed fair status, with the TCM gaining overwhelming support from the Hong Kong society and the latter receiving administrative advantages from the colonial government. After the WWII, however, both the Hong Kong society and the government recognized the WM to be the mainstream therapy, and thus, the TCM was only praciticed at the bottom level of society ...

精神分裂症(簡稱精分)是一種常見且嚴重的精神疾病,它對患者及其家人的生活有著毀滅性的影響。在西方國家,研究者已經對精分患者子女的經歷研究了許多年,得出的結論在政府以及社會工作者幫助這些家庭時起到重要的參考作用。然而,在中國這個問題被忽視了,目前針對這個群體的、學術規範的研究還沒有在中國大陸展開。鑒於中西巨大的社會和文化差異,我們不可以照搬西方學者的研究成果。為了填補這方面的知識空缺,我們在上海展開了對精神分裂症患者子女經歷的質化研究。 ; 本文的資料來自八個家庭的成員對於相關經驗的敘述。我們從三個層面來探究這些青少年的特殊經歷,包括他們對家長的經歷、他們從患病與健康家長處感受到的養育模式、以及他們所經歷的擴展家庭和社會的支持。 ; 我們的研究發現包括:1)青少年對家長疾病的適應經歷了三個階段:漠然、焦慮、消極應對。2)患病家長大多對孩子溫暖有餘、管教不足。健康家長對孩子的管教很大程度上取決於家庭經濟情況。當經濟情況惡劣時他們往往忽視孩子的成長需求3)支援系統作用缺失。 ; 基於以上發現,本文提煉出三個主題:在惡劣成長環境中掙扎、消極應對、缺乏支持。我們提倡為這些家庭提供社會服務。 ; Schizophrenia is a serious and common mental illness which has devastating effects on those affected by schizophrenia, as well as family members including their offspring. In western countries, the topic about the experience of offspring living with a parent diagnosed with schizophrenia has been studied for many years. The outcomes are useful references to the government and social workers in helping these families. However, this topic has been neglected in the Chinese context. A well-designed qualitative study has never been carried out in mainland China. The result from western researcher cannot be used in China due to the vast differences in society and culture. To fill in the gap, a qualitative research was carried out in Shanghai to study children's experience of parental schizophrenia. ; This paper is based on the narratives elicited from eight families, including the parents diagnosed with schizophrenia, the adolescent children, and sometimes other family members. We studied the experience of this special group of adolescents, which contains the experience of their parent's mental illness, the parenting from both the parent diagnosed with schizophrenia and the healthy parent, as well as the support from extended family and the society. ; Our findings include: 1) Adolescents' attitude towards parental schizophrenia can be divided into three phases: indifference, anxiety, and finally passive coping. The help they can provide for their parents with schizophrenia is very limited in most cases. 2) The parenting they ...

中國作為國際證監會組織的成員國,有責任落實國際証監會組織發佈的《金融市場基礎設施原則》。儘管國際貨幣基金組織發表的評分報告肯定中國落實了國際証監會組織提倡的金融規管原則,但事實上該等原則於納入法規後未獲執行。以上的分歧現象引起了對「中國金融規管制度會趨向國際原則」說法的質疑。 ; 本研究的討論重點在於中國金融法規會否跟國際原則趨向相同。本研究以系統化綜述分析國際貨幣基金組織對各國落實《金融市場基礎設施原則》情況的評分報告,並以內容分析法分析傳媒在中國二零一五年「股災」發生前後發表關於金融市場的報導。目的在於顯示中國政府以及金融監管機構在「股災」發生前後,在監管事宜上取態有明顯分別。 ; 本研究根據目的決定論提出中國金融監管趨向於與國際原則分歧。目的決定論、趨同理論以及有限度趨同理論的分別含意及對分歧現象的解釋在本研究中獲審視。根據目的決定論,由於中國金融市場有獨特社會目標,加上中國金融市場需要兼顧中國獨特社會背景,因此中國金融監管制度應該趨向獨特。換而言之,中國金融監管制度不應引入國際原則。目的決定論的論據在於中國政府領導層與金融業監管員在共產黨內有從屬關係。該從屬關係導致監管機構的監管行為被政府俘虜。 ; 根據規制俘虜理論,金融監管機構本來的職能被政府的提出議程取締。根據經濟目標合法性,中國政府的合法性源於其維持經濟發展的能力。因此,中國政府在金融市場的利益在於鞏固其執政合法性,而中國政府要達到以上目的,則需要令金融監管機構配合其經濟政策,修改監管方法及監管重點。最終,監管機構成為推動救市,並且宣揚政府權威形象的主力。 ; 綜觀以上提到中國的獨特金融監管制度,本研究旨在指出制度安排如何影響監管機構對金融業的監管。該等影響關連到中國金融監管制度是否趨向與國際間通用的監管原則同化。 ; Evaluations by International Monetary Fund (IMF) have shown increased implementation of International Organization of Securities Commissions (IOSCO) regulatory principles in China. However, findings show that international regulatory principles have not been practiced in China. Enforcement efforts of the principles remained low in China, and this casts doubts on the claim that Chinese financial regulation would develop towards the convergence of international regulatory principles due to the globalization of regulations. ; This research discusses on whether Chinese financial regulation has adopted international regulatory practices. Systematic review of IMF reports on implementation of IOSCO principles in different countries and content analysis of media reports issued around the happening of the 2015 stock market selloff crisis in China are employed to discover and examine findings. The selloff crisis is selected as a case for studying Chinese financial regulation because government interference in financial market made China's development away from international regulatory principles apparent, and arguments of this research are built on changes in financial regulatory patterns in China. ; This research supports the view of teleological determinism applied by Wilbert ...

這項研究探討信息科技在中國的技術政治。研究試圖書寫電子計算機作為一種新的電子信息科技在中國早期設置過程的技術政治社會史,並在理論層面上尝试构建一個拓展了的「技術、社會、與勞動」的進路。源於冷戰的地緣政治結構,不像韓國、台灣、或香港等其他亞洲國家和地區 ,在1980年代改革開放以前,中國大陸的計算機工業已經經歷了近30年(1955-1984)連續且激進的獨立發展。特別需要指出的是,中國社會主義時代的計算機發展不僅僅是爲了滿足冷戰中的國防需要和技術民族主義意識形態下社會動員的需要,同時高度嵌入了有關階級政治和技術哲學的社會主義「社會實驗」當中。而隨著文革群眾運動的終結和中國的「改革開放」,鄧小平為首的國家決策層爲了回應來自外部的壓力和來自社會主義內部的危機,用實用主義的技術發展觀取代了社會主義的技術民主實踐。1984年,隨著阿尔文.托夫勒(Alvin Toffler)的《第三次浪潮》(The Third Wave)風靡中國大陸,革命中國的計算機工業和技術政策逐步被隨新自由主義全球化而來的「信息社會」和「矽谷模式」所取代。 ; 作為一個技術和文化的雙重物件,電子計算機及其衍生科技(臺式計算機、筆記本電腦、智慧手機、平板電腦等)是理解當代資本主義生產、消費、與勞動關係的指標性科技。然而在社會主義中國的革命現代化進程中,它卻曾經一度拐入了一條另類的發展路徑。中國的信息化(informationalization)或曰計算機化(computerization)過程中的技術路線鬥爭和轉型是如何發生的,這一進程與中國「從毛到鄧」的獨特現代化道路之間是怎樣的關係?時至今日,批判的傳播研究對這段歷史依然所知甚少。本文試圖重訪這個歷史轉折,探查計算機在中國的早期技術政治史。通過追蹤關鍵的歷史事件、人物、思潮、和政策,論文試圖探尋冷戰架構下東西方技術政治之間的交鋒,如何在被計算機仲介的生產與勞動關係中顯影。從這個「閃回」中得到的知識,有助我們將對今日中國信息產業和信息勞動的理解,重新納入中國革命現代性的潮起潮落之中。 ; This paper traces the political and social history for the installation process of digital technology in China, in order to shed light on the ways in which computer interacted with the transformation of Chinese socialism. Due to geopolitical structure of the Cold War, unlike other East Asian countries, before 1980s China had developed its independent computer industry for more than 30 years. This development was not just under the rubric of techno-nationalism, which mainly helps to fulfill military and national defense aims, but also embedded into proletariat political debates. Maoist China developed a dialectical approach to technology, in which the most powerful productive power is the revolutionary proletariat class per se, not the machine or technology. So the process of socialist technology development, like the process of socialist culture and arts development is also a dialectical process, which must follow mass line to not just develop productive force, but also transform production relations and create socialist subjectivity. Instead, the post-Mao leadership under Deng Xiaoping responded to external Cold War pressures and the profound internal crises of ...