Turkey first applied for EU membership in 1987 and started negotiations for full membership in October 2005 after lengthy and challenging negotiations between EU member states. This master's thesis attempts to examine the relationship between the negotiations for EU membership that are going on between Turkey and the EU Commission and the public discussion on the subject. The research material consists of selected posts on the Financial Times discussion forum and the Acquis communautaire and Copenhagen criteria. By comparing the research material this thesis attempts to investigate if the public deliberation and official negotiations focus on the same issues and requirements for membership. The theoretical background for this analysis is deliberative democracy, according to which public debate should be a prerequisite for agenda setting and decision making. The findings of the thesis reveal that the public discussion does touch on the acquis communautaire and Copenhagen criteria to some degree, but the public is also concerned with non-acquis issues such as the culture and history. A unique feature of the accession negotiations is also the amount of commentary from heads of state regarding the negotiations, which was also noted in the research material. In the light of deliberative democratic theory it can be noted that the public may take part in the discussion over Turkey's membership, but it has little or no chances of setting the agenda for the negotiations.
This work, prepared and published during the author's stay at the RSCAS, EUI, is a "compilation thesis" (in Finnish "artikkeliväitöskirja"), Department of Political Sciences, University of Helsinki, and contains the major part of the author's PhD thesis (forthcoming print monograph, 2012). ; The future is uncertain, and the financial system of the European Union has to take into account this uncertainty. This book looks at the different means it has at its disposal to do so, and analyses how these means have evolved since the creation of the general budget of the European Communities in 1968. The analysis is extended to a broader study of the development of the European Union through several case studies: negotiations on the Financial Regulation of 25 June 2002,on its first modifi cation, adopted on 13 December 2006, and on the Interinstitutional Agreement (IIA) of 17 May 2006 between the European Parliament, the Council and the Commission on budgetary discipline and sound fi nancial management and on the Multiannual Financial Framework for 2007-2013. The question of the uncertainty of the future is addressed using the so-called "Theory of Budgetary Flexibility". This theory, developed originally to analyse national budgetary systems, establishes an essential distinction between External Flexibility and Internal Flexibility, on the one hand, and Annual Flexibility and Multiannual Flexibility on the other hand. It is particularly useful here as it enables us to examine under a common framework processes that are often considered separate (and treated in the literature as such), and to draw conclusions at systems' level. The book is divided into three Parts: - Part One (Chapters 1 to 3), which forms the theoretical part of this book, includes an analysis of the specificities and of the functioning of the budgetary and financial systems of the European Union, while presenting an "état des lieux" of studies carried out in these fields; - Part Two (Chapters 4 to 13) deals with changes that have been made to various forms of flexibility since 1968. Special attention is paid not only to the consequences these changes have had for the various actors involved – namely the European Parliament, the Council, the Commission and Member States – but also for the financial system of the European Union as a whole; - Part Three (Chapters 14 to 18) addresses the question of how the changes examined in Part Two affect the general development of the European Union.
Euroopan komissio luotiin jotta se voisi ajaa yhteisöjen intressiä. Sen vuoksi siitä päätettiin tehdä itsenäinen. Mutta koska Euroopan Unionin vaikutus jäsenmaissaan on hyvin vahvaa, myös talouden kannalta, haluavat jäsenmaat vaikuttaa komissioon mahdollisimman paljon. Tämän vuoksi komission itsenäisyys vaarantuu. Perustamissopimukset koettavat hoitaa ongelman luomalla komissiolle joita-kin suojamekanismeja. Mutta ovatko ne riittäviä? Vaikuttaa siltä, että komissioon pystytään vaikuttamaan liikaa sen jokapäiväisessä työssä. Tämä vaikuttaminen alkaa jo komission nimittämisvaiheessa ja jatkuu koko ajan komission pohtiessa uuden lainsäädännön tarvetta ja komission valmistellessa uutta lainsäädäntöä. Komission lakiehdotelman sisältöön vaikuttavat usein paljonkin muut instituutiot, jäsenvaltiot sekä intressiryhmät. Tämä johtaa siihen, että komissio ei täysin pysty toteuttamaan yhteisöjen in-tressiä. Monin eri tavoin komission päätöksiin voivat vaikuttaa yksittäisten tai use-ampien jäsenmaiden edut, vaikka tarkoitus olisi ajaa yhteisöjen etua. The European Commission was created so that it could work to fulfil the Community Interest. Therefore it was decided to be an independent institution. But because the European Union affects its Member States very deeply, not least in budgetary ways, the Member States seem to want to influence the Commission as much as possible. Therefore the independence of the Commission is at stake. The Treaties try to deal with the problem by setting some protective mecha-nisms on the Commission. But is it enough? It seems that the Commission gets in-fluenced too much in its everyday work. This influencing starts already at the nomi-nation of the Commissioners, continues all the while when the Commission is decid-ing if new Community legislation is needed and while it drafts new legislation. The substance of the drafts are often influenced very much by the other institutions, Member States and interest groups. What this means is that the Commission can't fulfil its task at seeking the best of the Communities. In many different ways the decisions of the Commission may further the good of one or some interested parties instead of the Community In-terest.
Frontmatter -- Table of Contents -- Preface by Series Editor Antonio Loprieno -- Vorwort / Foreword -- Sophie Charlotte (1668–1705): Die Frau, die das Warum des Warum wissen wollte / Sophia Charlotte (1668–1705): The Woman Who Wanted to Know the Why of Why -- Patrona Scientiarum? Maria Theresia als Gründerin der Brüsseler Akademie (1717–1780) / Patrona Scientiarum? Maria Theresa as Founder of the Academy in Brussels (1717–1780) -- Lovisa Ulrikas (1720–1782) akademi: Sveriges första vittra kungliga akademi / Lovisa Ulrika's (1720–1782) academy: Sweden's first learned society -- Katharina die Große als Patronin von Bildung und Wissenschaften im Russischen Imperium (1729–1796) / Catherine the Great as patron of education and sciences in the Russian Empire (1729–1796) -- Ersilia Caetani Lovatelli (1840–1925): La prima donna eletta nell'Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei / Ersilia Caetani Lovatelli (1840–1925): The first woman elected to the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei -- Beatrice Webb (1858–1943): "A career of disinterested research" -- Maria Skłodowska Curie (1867–1934), kobieta uczona / Maria Skłodowska-Curie (1867–1934), two-time Nobel laureate -- Lise Meitner (1878–1968): Pionierin der Atomphysik / Lise Meitner (1878–1968): Pioneer in Nuclear Physics -- La primera acadèmica catalana: Caterina Albert (1869–1966) / The first female academy fellow in Catalonia: Caterina Albert (1869– 1966) -- Johanna Westerdijk, an extraordinary professor and pioneer in plant pathology (1883–1961) -- Cosán corrach Eleanor Knott MRIA (1886–1975) / Eleanor Knott MRIA (1886–1975): "And there were other barriers" -- Professori Ella Kivikoski (1901–1990): suomalainen tiedenainen arkeologiassa / Professor Ella Kivikoski (1901–1990): A Finnish female scientist in archaeology -- Dorothy Hodgkin (1910–1994): Crystallographer, Chemist, and Role Model -- The Editors / The Authors
Zugriffsoptionen:
Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext:
The focus of this research is on Finland's role in Soviet Union's calculation of its foreign policy between 1920 and 1930. This was the first decade of both Finnish independence and of Soviet power in Russia. This book answers questions about the objectives of Soviet foreign policy in Finland, on the contacts used by the Soviet legation to obtain information, and on how well the Soviets understood Finland's objectives. People interested in Finland and in Russian perspectives with regards to foreign policy and neighbouring countries will find much new in this book because it relies on formerly unpublished Russian archival material to form the basis for charting Soviet objectives in Finland. The book shows that the Soviets primarily observed Finland in a larger regional context along with other states on its borders in the Baltic Sea region. The global objectives of the revolution and the Soviet Union, but also the domestic political situation in both countries, are reflected on this framework. The period was characterized by forced collectivization in the Soviet Union and, in Finland, by the rise of the right-wing Lapua Movement that emerged at the onset of the Great Depression, laying the foundations for the most severe crisis in the relations during 1929–1930 when the issues surrounding these events destabilized simultaneously the society and political decision-making in both countries.
The focus of this research is on Finland's role in Soviet Union's calculation of its foreign policy between 1920 and 1930. This was the first decade of both Finnish independence and of Soviet power in Russia. This book answers questions about the objectives of Soviet foreign policy in Finland, on the contacts used by the Soviet legation to obtain information, and on how well the Soviets understood Finland's objectives. People interested in Finland and in Russian perspectives with regards to foreign policy and neighbouring countries will find much new in this book because it relies on formerly unpublished Russian archival material to form the basis for charting Soviet objectives in Finland. The book shows that the Soviets primarily observed Finland in a larger regional context along with other states on its borders in the Baltic Sea region. The global objectives of the revolution and the Soviet Union, but also the domestic political situation in both countries, are reflected on this framework. The period was characterized by forced collectivization in the Soviet Union and, in Finland, by the rise of the right-wing Lapua Movement that emerged at the onset of the Great Depression, laying the foundations for the most severe crisis in the relations during 1929–1930 when the issues surrounding these events destabilized simultaneously the society and political decision-making in both countries
Ex ante assessment of regulatory impact upon businesses: A neo-institutional study on the context, international influences, and Finnish experiences Regulatory impact assessment (RIA) has an established place in the European Union and its member states. This article considers evolving Finnish ex ante RIA concerning certain regulatory costs to firms. Drawing upon a neo-institutional theoretical framework and proposing three generally oriented hypotheses we received the following results. (1) The rationality of theevolving Finnish ex ante RIA of selected administrativeregulatory costs to firms gives rise issuesgiven the low implementation rate of thegeneral natonal RIA guidelines. (2) Reference to the ex ante RIA of regulatory costs to firmsin other countries has served the legitimation of preferred procedures in Finland rather than offerssolid evidence on the rationality of the foreign procedures. (3) Without a stronger contextualization of the evolving Finnish ex ante RIAmof regulatory costs to firms its procedures risk adverse effects because of their confined scope, the uneven quality of their input data, and their weak connections to the general national ex ante RIA. These results suggest the redesign of the Finnish RIA to take better into account the institutional, political, historical and cultural characteristicsof governance in this country. Keywords: regulatory impact assessment, public policy evaluation, public policymaking, lawmaking, legal policy, deregulation ; Peer reviewed
The book approaches the history of Finnish development cooperation through the experiences of development aid workers. At its core is a small group of Finns (experts and officials from different fields) who have worked with international development aid in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Their memories and experiences, together with diverse archival material offer an interesting window into the world of development (cooperation), or "Aidland", from the 1960s to the turn of the millennium. The research focuses on the personal motives and experiences of Finnish aid workers from the 1960s to the 2000s. The book offers perspectives on the historical construction of Aidland since the 1940s and on the gradual integration of Finland and the Finns into its structures. It describes the mindset of the first two generations of aid workers and the factors that made them interested in developing countries. The book follows their education, their first contacts with Aidland, adaptation to work and conditions, returning home and the challenges that come with it. The study gives the reader a view of the power positions, hierarchies and contradictions in Aidland and development cooperation, which at times led Finns to reassess their motives and justify to themselves the meaningfulness of the entire undertaking. Through their experiences, the book also deals with the less-known side of development cooperation, such as corruption, prejudices, and opposition to development projects, as well as their occasionally unwanted consequences in partner/recipient countries. It also sheds light on the effects of the Aidland experience on an individual's worldview and identity. The book is an academic study suitable for a wide audience, from university students to ordinary readers interested in development cooperation. The book helps to understand both the history of development and the construction of multi-level connections of Finnish society with the countries of the Global South. It is therefore also ideally suited for readers interested in the development of Finland's internationalization in the late twentieth century. For its part, the book contributes to wider public debates on development cooperation.
Preliminary Material /Asbjørn Eide , Jakob Th. Möller and Ineta Ziemele -- The Right to Peace Milestones in the Development of International Humanitarian Law /Daniel Thürer -- Post-War American International Law Scepticism: The International Criminal Court, Stockholm 1924 /Mark Weston Janis -- Peace as a Human Right: The Jus Cogens Prohibition of Aggression /Alfred de Zayas -- The Human Right to Peace /William A. Schabas -- Security and Human Rights in the Regulation of Private Military Companies: The Role of the Home State /Francesco Francioni -- The United Nations and Human Rights What Makes Democracy Good? /Lyal S. Sunga -- Is the United Nations Human Rights Council Living Up to the International Community's Expectations? /Markus G. Schmidt -- The UN Human Rights Council: The Perennial Struggle between Realism and Idealism /Bertrand G. Ramcharan -- Eight UN Petitions Procedures: A Comparative Analysis /Jakob Th. Möller -- The Legal Status of Views Adopted by the Human Rights Committee – From Genesis to Adoption of General Comment No. 33 /Geir Ulfstein -- Winter Break 2010: A Week in the Life of a Special Rapporteur /Martin Scheinin -- Legal and Judicial Shortcomings of the Surrogate State of "UNMIKISTAN" /Margrét Heinreksdóttir -- The Right to Inclusive Education for Children with Disabilities – Innovations in the CRPD /Arnardóttir Arnardóttir -- Human Rights at the Regional Level The Council of Europe: A Champion in Monitoring Implementation of Human Rights Standards? /Petter F. Wille -- Flexibilising the Modes of Amending the European Convention on Human Rights: An Idea for a 'Statute' for the European Court /Krzysztof Drzewicki -- Strengthening of the Principle of Subsidiarity of the European Convention on Human Rights /Björg Thorarensen -- Presumption of Convention Compliance /Davíð Þór Björgvinsson -- The Right to Adequate Judicial Reasoning /Ragnar Aðalsteinsson -- Dialogue Between States and International Human Rights Monitoring Organs – Especially the European Commission Against Racism and Intolerance /Lauri Hannikainen -- How Old Are You? Age Discrimination and EU Law /Allan Rosas -- NHRIs in the European Union: Status Quo Vadis? /Morten Kjærum and Jonas Grimheden -- Selected Examples of the Contemporary Practice of the Inter-American System in Confronting Grave Violations of Human Rights: United States and Colombia /Diego Rodríguez-Pinzón -- Indigenous Peoples and Minorities Prevention of Discrimination, Protection of Minorities, and the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: Challenges and Choices /Asbjørn Eide -- Minority Protection in the African System of Human Rights /Michelo Hansungule -- Indigenous Peoples on the International Scene: A Personal Reminiscence /Lee Swepston -- Indigenous Peoples and the Right to Development /Rainer Hofmann and Juri Alistair Gauthier -- Principal Problems Regarding Indigenous Land Rights and Recent Endeavours to Resolve Them /Erica-Irene A. Daes -- Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples: Preserve or Protect? – That's the Question! /Mpazi Sinjela -- Redefining Sovereignty and Self-Determination through a Declaration of Sovereignty: The Inuit Way of Defining the Parameters for Future Arctic Governance /Timo Koivurova.
Verfügbarkeit an Ihrem Standort wird überprüft
Dieses Buch ist auch in Ihrer Bibliothek verfügbar:
The volume Remembered and Imagined Soviet Union addresses memories, conceptions, and images relating to the Soviet past from the perspective of cultural memory. The book explores how the Soviet Union has been recalled and how it has been depicted in cultural products like literature, museum exhibitions, art and the media. Instead of trying to say what the Soviet Union was, the book analyses the ways in which Finns, Russians and Estonians have viewed the Soviet past at different times. The book answers the following questions: What is remembered about the Soviet past? How has the country been represented in various cultural texts? What is forgotten or not talked about? The book consists of chapters by scholars of history, literature and art studies. They look at key themes of the Soviet past in the framework of cultural memory, with topics including space conquest, the superiority of the hockey team, known as the "Red machine", political propaganda, and persecution of minorities.
Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan erästä Euroopan integraation vähemmän tutkittua ulottuvuutta: integraation vaikutuksia jälkikommunistisen yhteiskunnan kansalaisjärjestöihin. Liettualainen ympäristöjärjestösektori ja Ignalinan ydinvoimalan tapaus tarjoavat rajallisen, mutta samalla hyvin konkreettisen näkökulman kysymyksen tarkastelemiseksi. Tutkimus nojaa vuosina 2001-2003 kerätyn haastatteluaineiston laadulliseen analyysiin. Ignalinan ydinvoimalan tapauksen perusteella voidaan tulkita liettualaisten ympäristöjärjestöjen kohtaamia muutospaineita neuvostoajan lopulta aina Liettuan EU-jäsenyyteen saakka. Ignalinan ydinvoimalan ympärille keskittynyt liikehdintä oli yksi keskeisimmistä neuvostovallan vastaisen protestin välineistä 1980-luvun lopun Liettuassa. Ignalinan ydinvoimalasta muodostui tuolloin neuvostovallan poliittinen symboli; protestointi ydinvoimalaa vastaan oli samalla vastalause Moskovan sanelupolitiikalle ja vallitsevalle yhteiskunnalliselle järjestykselle. Ignalinan poliittinen symboliasema kuitenkin muuttui radikaalisti Liettuan itsenäisyysjulistuksen myötä: voimalasta muodostui niin taloudellisesti kuin poliittisestikin tärkeä kansallisen suvereniteetin osa. 1990-luvun lopulla ydinvoimalan poliittisen symboliaseman muutos sai yhä vahvemman ilmentymän EU:n esittäessä Ignalinan molempien reaktoreiden alasajoa ennen niiden lasketun käyttöiän umpeutumista. Eräät liettualaiset ympäristöjärjestöt toimivat aktiivisesti osana laajempia eurooppalaisia kansalaisjärjestöverkostoja vaatien itäisen Keski-Euroopan neuvostomallisten ydinvoimaloiden välitöntä sulkemista. Siten Ignalinan tapaus aiheuttaa monissa tapauksissa järjestöidentiteetin epävarmuutta: Yhtäältä ympäristöjärjestöidentiteetti vaatii kriittistä suhtautumista ydinvoimaan, erityisesti neuvostomallisiin RBMK-reaktoreihin. Toisaalta taas Ignalinan ydinvoimala koetaan Liettuan taloudellisen ja poliittisen omavaraisuuden takaajaksi. Ignalinan tapauksen ympärille rakentuva identiteettipoliittinen asetelma voidaan yksinkertaistaa tilanteeksi, jossa ympäristöjärjestöt hapuilevat kahden yhteensopimattoman toimintamallin välillä: järjestöt toivovat voivansa toteuttaa rooliaan ympäristöjärjestöinä, usein laajempien eurooppalaisten ympäristöjärjestöverkostojen mallin mukaisesti, mutta samalla kansallisen suvereniteettipolitiikan tuottamat mallit ovat vahvasti läsnä järjestöjen määrittäessä perusluonnettaan. Ignalinan tapauksen pohjalta tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan myös laajempia Euroopan integraatioon ja jälkikommunistiseen kansalaisjärjestötoimintaan liittyviä kehityskulkuja. Tutkimus tuo esiin, että Euroopan integraatio on luonut monitasoisen institutionaalisen järjestyksen, joka määrittää oman vaikutuspiirinsä säännöt. Euroopan integraatio on samalla ilmiö, joka toteutuu myös hyvin arkipäiväisissä asioissa se on läsnä monissa mikrotason käytännöissä vaikuttaen siis myös ympäristöjärjestöjen toimintaan. Samalla voidaan havaita, että politiikan muodot ja tyylit eivät synny tyhjiössä tai pelkästään rationaalisten valintojen tuloksena; historia, sen tuottamat tulkinnat sekä rutiineihin perustuvat säännönmukaisuudet ovat läsnä poliittisessa elämässä, niin kansalaisjärjestötoiminnassa kuin muussakin yhteiskunnallisessa aktivismissa, samoin kuin hallinnollisissa käytännöissä. ; The colourful, sometimes even dramatic, history of Lithuanian environmental non-governmental organisations (NGOs) makes them an interesting subject of political science research. During the past fifteen years the role of the Lithuanian environmental movement has changed quite radically. The environmental movement had a central political role at the time of the Lithuanian independence activism in the late 1980s, but the movement later lost its mobilising potential and was marginalised by the beginning of the 1990s. Since then the environmental NGOs have been strongly affected by the process of European integration. Environmental NGOs have served both as agents and indicators of the institutional change taking place in Lithuania. The dynamics of this change can be analysed through the case of Ignalina in the course of the past couple of decades the nuclear power plant of Ignalina in the north-east corner of Lithuania has been a reference point for a number of political discussions and processes. During the Lithuanian independence movement the nuclear power plant became a symbol of Soviet rule. As Ignalina was strongly associated with the hegemony of Moscow over Lithuania the plant occupied a central role in the fight towards national sovereignty. Independence activism took the form of environmental protests, especially in the early stages of the Lithuanian reform movement, and a large number of environmental organisations were established all over Lithuania. The political context provided an opportunity to address sensitive political questions through environmental activism. For instance, in September 1988 thousands of protesters formed a human chain the ring of life around the two units of Ignalina as a manifestation of Lithuanian national sovereignty and identity. The symbolic position of Ignalina changed radically after Lithuania s independence declaration in March 1990. As Moscow imposed an energy embargo on Lithuania it soon became clear that the country was dependent on its own sources of energy, of which the nuclear power plant of Ignalina was the most important one. Although Ignalina had only recently served as the symbol of Soviet oppression, the plant suddenly proved indispensable in the reconstruction of the nation and its material well-being. In 1995 the Lithuanian government tabled a EU membership application. Towards the end of the decade Ignalina was brought on the political agenda of the EU it soon became evident to Lithuanians that the closure of the nuclear power plant would be considered a de facto prerequisite for EU membership. As a result, the question of Ignalina was highly politicised the setting gave Ignalina a positions as the symbol of national sovereignty. There had been a radical shift in the political symbolism surrounding the plant. Meanwhile, the environmental NGOs faced a dilemma: Some of the environmental activists were closely linked to European anti-nuclear NGO networks and were strongly in favour of the decommissioning of Ignalina. However, many of the environmental NGOs also carried with them a long tradition of ethno-cultural thinking thus connecting the organisations closely to the notion of Lithuanian national sovereignty. Against this background it proved difficult for many organisations to define their role in view with the question of Ignalina what would be appropriate political action? As a result, there remained a great deal of indecisiveness and confusion among the environmental NGOs as to the decommissioning plans of Ignalina, and more generally as to the role of the environmental organisations in the Lithuanian society. The case of Ignalina provides a framework within which it is possible to analyse certain dimensions of national sovereignty in an integrating, post-Cold War Europe. The integration of Central and Eastern Europe into the EU has produced a situation in which many of the expectations attached to national sovereignty are being challenged. The research also brings forward a topic that has received only limited attention in the past, namely the effects of European integration on non-governmental organisations in Central and Eastern Europe. By focusing on a specific sector of Lithuanian NGO activity it is possible to analyse the dynamics of europeanisation on a very concrete level. The case of Ignalina suggests that the activists of Lithuanian environmental NGOs are forced to ponder the raison d être of their organisations in the face of different, often conflicting institutional pressures. The expectations drawn from fresh national sovereignty are not always compatible with the models of action produced by the European integration process. The case evidences a conflict between post-Communist nation-building and the institutional limitations brought about by EU membership. Simply put, the idea of national sovereignty on the one hand and European integration on the other offer environmental NGOs distinctive, often conflicting, models of appropriate political action. The models of action created by the institutional framework of the EU are not easily compatible with the norms typical of a newly independent state. This identity political conflict is especially pronounced whenever national and European norms are placed in direct opposition with each other. However, it should be noted that the national and European levels of politics cannot be completely distinguished from each other. It is interesting to notice how models of action drawn from the EU system often form the very basis of national or local political action. Therefore it can be stated that the separation between European and national models of appropriate action is not always feasible. It is possible to approach most political questions, including the encounter of Lithuanian environmental NGOs and the EU, from an institutional perspective. The theoretical framework of the study is based on new institutionalism , and the notion of logic of appropriateness is central to the study political institutions are analysed as collections of norms that define the rules of appropriate political action in different situations. In essence, politics is about appropriate action. The research seeks to explain the logic of appropriateness being followed by Lithuanian environmental NGOs. The research problem is approached through a set of questions: (1) How does the colourful history of the Lithuanian environmental movement affect the political characteristics of today s environmental NGOs? (2) What does the specific case of Ignalina tell us about the institutional contexts in which the Lithuanian environmental NGOs operate? (3) How to define the relationship between Lithuanian environmental NGOs and the politics of national sovereignty? (4) What is the relevance of the institutional framework of the EU to Lithuanian environmental NGOs? The study suggests that the rules of appropriateness change depending on the political context. At the same time, the conflicts produced by differing, overlapping institutional environments are reflected in the inner dynamics of political actors, resulting to indecisiveness and confusion. Since political action is first and foremost directed by the logic of appropriateness, the interpretations of political contexts are of central relevance. Therefore it is possible that a single object, such as a nuclear power plant, can be given a variety of interpretations in the realm of identity politics. The case of Ignalina evidences that symbolism and interpretation form the core of political life.
For the first time worldwide, this collection brings together analyses of the last two centuries of historical change around the shores and drainage basin of Lake Ladoga, Europe's largest lake. The main focus of the narrative is the Northern Ladoga region, which was a Finnish administrative area between 1812 and 1944. After the Second World War, the entire shoreline of Lake Ladoga was incorporated into the northeast part of Russia's border region, the Autonomous Republic of Karelia and the Leningrad Province. The main theme uniting this collection is how the relationship between humans and nature is shaped by industrialization and modernization in society. Other key issues include protecting nature and perspectives on particular places and times, which are reflected in the methodological and thematic choices made in this volume. The research framework set by the editor, Professor Maria Lähteenmäki, is the new lakefront history (Finn. uusi rantahistoria), focusing on approaches to environmental, economic and sensory history of lakes. To draw broad conclusions, on the one hand, the multilevel changes on the lakefront cannot be understood without knowledge of the history of the wider drainage basin, and awareness of the geopolitics of the region and the climate changes. On the other hand, the human relationship to natural waters has changed significantly in 200 years. Thinking in terms of economic benefit has gradually given way to principles of sustainable development. Lake Ladoga is also being redefined from a spatial perspective, as nationalist ownership of the region is coupled with global concern about the state of Europe's largest lake.
Readmission which reflects capacity to manage patients and general level of medical services has been known for one of the causes of medical expenditure due to inefficient service. Compared to disease-specific readmission, hospital wide readmission (HWR) is relatively easy to understand, and has merit to get over limitation of collateral medical services assessment; therefore, a growing interest in development and usage of readmission indicator as quality of care indicator focusing on all-disease is detected. In this study, we investigate current state of risk standardized readmission rate indicator used in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada, and examine the considerations when using readmission rate as quality indicator in Korea. Differences in risk-adjustment methods were showed among countries. The United States do not control race not to hide socio-demographic factors on readmission. Canada shows differentiation compared to other countries about reflecting community factors. All three-countries utilize readmission rate as monitoring quality of care rather than incentives or penalty due to the fact that readmission rate could not represent the whole quality of hospital and has a limitation at controlling socio-economic factors. Therefore, for usage readmission rate as quality indicator in Korea, preparing readmission classification standard for Korean medical environment and additional methods for acquiring information by using discharge summary is need. Moreover, continued discussion with clinical specialists is needed for obtain clinical reliability and validity. ; open
학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 외교학과, 2012. 2. 신범식. ; 본 논문의 핵심 질문은 색깔 혁명 발생으로 민주화에 성공한 그루지야와 우크라이나의 이후 민주주의 발전 양상은 왜 달랐는가이다. 색깔 혁명 이후, 우크라이나의 민주주의는 진전을 보였지만, 그루지야는 그렇지 못했다. 본 연구는 색깔혁명 이후 미국과 러시아의 갈등 구도와 양국의 대(對) 그루지야, 우크라이나 정책이 각국의 국내 엘리트-대중 관계에서 엘리트 자율성, 그리고 민주화에 미친 영향에 주목하였다. 9.11 테러 이후 미국과 러시아는 협력 체제에 있었지만, 색깔 혁명의 발생으로 인해 양국은 갈등 구도에 들어서게 된다. 그루지야와 우크라이나는 미․러 갈등 구도의 중심에 있었다. 활용가능성의 요인으로 인해, 그루지야는 우크라이나보다 전략적 가치가 더 큰 곳이었다. 미․러 갈등 구도 속에서 그루지야 집권 엘리트들은 높은 엘리트 자율성을 가질 수 있었다. 미국은 그루지야에게 큰 경제 원조, 정치적 지원을 하였다. 또한 그루지야-러시아 관계 악화와 2008년 전쟁 발발은 정권의 권위주의 정책을 정당화하고 국내를 결집시키는 기제로 작용하여 그루지야 집권 엘리트들이 높은 자율성을 갖게 해주었고, 이는 민주화 저해로 이어졌다. 우크라이나는 그루지야와 반대였다. 미․러 갈등 구도 속에서 우크라이나 엘리트들은 낮은 자율성을 가졌다. 우크라이나의 집권 엘리트들은 서방과 러시아 양측 모두로부터 확고한 정치적, 경제적 지원을 얻을 수 없었다. 오히려 러시아의 정책으로 인해 국내의 반 오렌지, 대항 엘리트가 공고해지면서, 집권 엘리트의 자율성은 낮아졌다. 엘리트들의 낮은 자율성과 대중에 대한 높은 의존성은 대중 영합주의 정책과 정국 불안의 결과를 낳았으나, 이는 오렌지 혁명 이후 우크라이나 민주주의의 발전을 제한적으로나마 가능하게 해주었다. 본 연구는 민주화 연구에서 그동안 비교적 주목을 덜 받아온 국제적 요인을 다루고, 외교 정책, 국내 엘리트-대중 관계, 민주화의 연계를 통합적으로 보여준다는 점에서 함의가 있다. 본고는 많은 기존 연구들이 상정해 온, 민주화에 대한 서구 민주화 증진 정책의 긍정적 영향과 권위주의 국가의 부정적 영향이라는 단순한 명제의 한계를 드러내주고 있다. 또한 민주주의 지원 정책에서 민주화 단계별로 정책을 달리할 필요성에 대해서 시사한다. ; What caused the difference in democratic trajectories between Georgia and Ukraine after the Color Revolutions? Since the occurrence of the Color Revolutions, Georgia's democracy has laid in tatters, whereas Ukraine has achieved a relatively successful democracy. Georgia and Ukraine share similar domestic determinants which have been discussed in previous democratization literature. This study, however, focuses on the international factor as an explanation for the different democratic fates of democracy between the two countries. Comparing both countries, this thesis uses a framework that integrates international factors, elite autonomy in domestic elite-mass relations, and democratization. The study argues that international factors, specifically the foreign policies of the US and Russia, provide an explanation for the difference in democratic outcomes for the two countries. Following the events of September 11, 2001, US-Russian relations improved. However, the occurrence of the Color Revolutions caused deterioration in the ties between the two countries, and both started to adopt different foreign policies towards the post-Soviet region. Caught in the middle of this conflict between the two great powers were Georgia and Ukraine. The unconditional US support for Georgia and Russia's assertive policy towards Georgia which culminated in the Russian-Georgian War in 2008 enabled the Georgian elites to attain high elite autonomy, thus resulting in democratic stagnation for Georgia. In contrast, Ukraine did not garner the support of either the US or Russia; rather, it was pressured by Russia. The anti-Orange elites in Ukraine were effectively supported by Russia, and, thus, were able to function as a forceful political opposition to the incumbent elites. Therefore, the Ukrainian elites only garnered low autonomy, which resulted in democratic progress in Ukraine despite domestic political chaos. This study contributes to further understanding of the impact of international factors upon democratization. In addition, this thesis creates implications for democracy promotion policy. The conclusion of the thesis challenges the predominant assumption that Western democracy promotion is conducive to actually democratization, and that authoritarian countries' authoritarian promotion policy is harmful to democratization. In the process of democracy promotion policy, policymakers and implementers need both careful monitoring of the process of democratic assistance and coordination with other countries. ; Master