Suchergebnisse

This article discusses the concept of environmental compensation and provides the examples of environmental compensation practices in various European Union countries. The principle of environmental compensation is to avoid, minimize, restore or compensate the damage to the biodiversity due to human activities, however in practice it is almost impossible to achieve no net loss to the biodiversity. European Union has issued Directive that established the principles of environmental compensation already in 2004, however until now the practices of environmental compensation in European Union countries are very fragmented. The implementation of environmental compensation principles in urban development is constrained mainly by factors such as lack of space, and the complexity of environments that are affected. There is a lack of integrated approach towards the strategies how environmental compensation should be implemented in the planning of various projects that have impact upon biodiversity. Furthermore, there is a lack of holistic approach towards the nature in legislation and practices of environmental compensation, as usually focus of instruments is on specific parts of natural environment. Ideally, the principles of environmental compensation should be an integral part of national strategies of sustainable development.

Processes of integration in Europe induce the comparison of the economic indicators in countries of the European Union. According to the forecasts, it will take some time for the new members of the EU to achieve living standards of the old members even taking into account the support from the structural funds. The article, after discussion of the methodological issues of the concept of the living standard, the major components that describe the living standard and the methods of evaluation of economic inequality, presents the comparative analysis of the living standard of the European Union countries that has been performed by comparing GDP and overall income per capita and by calculating Gini coefficients of distribution of the overall income according to the age and education. The last section of the article provides the evaluation of distribution of the household expenditure in Lithuania in 2004- 2007 by using the Theil and Atkinson class indexes and parametrical Gini coefficients for the measurement of inequality.

Processes of integration in Europe induce the comparison of the economic indicators in countries of the European Union. According to the forecasts, it will take some time for the new members of the EU to achieve living standards of the old members even taking into account the support from the structural funds. The article, after discussion of the methodological issues of the concept of the living standard, the major components that describe the living standard and the methods of evaluation of economic inequality, presents the comparative analysis of the living standard of the European Union countries that has been performed by comparing GDP and overall income per capita and by calculating Gini coefficients of distribution of the overall income according to the age and education. The last section of the article provides the evaluation of distribution of the household expenditure in Lithuania in 2004- 2007 by using the Theil and Atkinson class indexes and parametrical Gini coefficients for the measurement of inequality.

The author analyzes the Eurasian Customs Union, the motives for its creation, its impact on Russia, Kazakhstan, and Belarus as well as the perspectives for the further integration of its member states to establish the Eurasian Economic Union. It is argued that the creation of the Eurasian Customs Union is based mostly on the foreign trade policy measures applied by Russia and adopted by the other members of the Union. The Eurasian Union and its institutions such as the Eurasian Economic Commission and Court are seen as agents of the member states, especially Russia, rather than independent supranational actors acting in of the Union's interests. The Eurasian Union represents a regional entity which is both being modelled on the EU and is intended to provide a competing center of attraction for third countries. The establishment of the Eurasian Customs Union has changed the geopolitical situation in the EU eastern neighborhood by creating an alternative option of regional integration for the EU Eastern Partnership countries. For Ukraine and other countries of the Eastern Partnership, which declare their intention to sign association and deep and comprehensive free trade agreements with the EU, joining the Eurasian Customs Union would imply that the EU will have to negotiate agreements on trade with the Eurasian Union rather than with individual countries. This would significantly postpone the prospects of integration of these countries into the EU. The eastern partners of the EU, therefore, have to choose between two alternatives of integration (and Belarus has already chosen the eastern direction). Meanwhile, the EU has to rethink its own policy towards the Eastern Partnership countries and offer incentives for the further reforms to advance trade liberalization and association with the EU without damaging its own credibility. This is the key issue for the Lithuania's EU Council Presidency forthcoming in the second half of 2013.

The author analyzes the Eurasian Customs Union, the motives for its creation, its impact on Russia, Kazakhstan, and Belarus as well as the perspectives for the further integration of its member states to establish the Eurasian Economic Union. It is argued that the creation of the Eurasian Customs Union is based mostly on the foreign trade policy measures applied by Russia and adopted by the other members of the Union. The Eurasian Union and its institutions such as the Eurasian Economic Commission and Court are seen as agents of the member states, especially Russia, rather than independent supranational actors acting in of the Union's interests. The Eurasian Union represents a regional entity which is both being modelled on the EU and is intended to provide a competing center of attraction for third countries. The establishment of the Eurasian Customs Union has changed the geopolitical situation in the EU eastern neighborhood by creating an alternative option of regional integration for the EU Eastern Partnership countries. For Ukraine and other countries of the Eastern Partnership, which declare their intention to sign association and deep and comprehensive free trade agreements with the EU, joining the Eurasian Customs Union would imply that the EU will have to negotiate agreements on trade with the Eurasian Union rather than with individual countries. This would significantly postpone the prospects of integration of these countries into the EU. The eastern partners of the EU, therefore, have to choose between two alternatives of integration (and Belarus has already chosen the eastern direction). Meanwhile, the EU has to rethink its own policy towards the Eastern Partnership countries and offer incentives for the further reforms to advance trade liberalization and association with the EU without damaging its own credibility. This is the key issue for the Lithuania's EU Council Presidency forthcoming in the second half of 2013.

The author analyzes the Eurasian Customs Union, the motives for its creation, its impact on Russia, Kazakhstan, and Belarus as well as the perspectives for the further integration of its member states to establish the Eurasian Economic Union. It is argued that the creation of the Eurasian Customs Union is based mostly on the foreign trade policy measures applied by Russia and adopted by the other members of the Union. The Eurasian Union and its institutions such as the Eurasian Economic Commission and Court are seen as agents of the member states, especially Russia, rather than independent supranational actors acting in of the Union's interests. The Eurasian Union represents a regional entity which is both being modelled on the EU and is intended to provide a competing center of attraction for third countries. The establishment of the Eurasian Customs Union has changed the geopolitical situation in the EU eastern neighborhood by creating an alternative option of regional integration for the EU Eastern Partnership countries. For Ukraine and other countries of the Eastern Partnership, which declare their intention to sign association and deep and comprehensive free trade agreements with the EU, joining the Eurasian Customs Union would imply that the EU will have to negotiate agreements on trade with the Eurasian Union rather than with individual countries. This would significantly postpone the prospects of integration of these countries into the EU. The eastern partners of the EU, therefore, have to choose between two alternatives of integration (and Belarus has already chosen the eastern direction). Meanwhile, the EU has to rethink its own policy towards the Eastern Partnership countries and offer incentives for the further reforms to advance trade liberalization and association with the EU without damaging its own credibility. This is the key issue for the Lithuania's EU Council Presidency forthcoming in the second half of 2013.

The author analyzes the Eurasian Customs Union, the motives for its creation, its impact on Russia, Kazakhstan, and Belarus as well as the perspectives for the further integration of its member states to establish the Eurasian Economic Union. It is argued that the creation of the Eurasian Customs Union is based mostly on the foreign trade policy measures applied by Russia and adopted by the other members of the Union. The Eurasian Union and its institutions such as the Eurasian Economic Commission and Court are seen as agents of the member states, especially Russia, rather than independent supranational actors acting in of the Union's interests. The Eurasian Union represents a regional entity which is both being modelled on the EU and is intended to provide a competing center of attraction for third countries. The establishment of the Eurasian Customs Union has changed the geopolitical situation in the EU eastern neighborhood by creating an alternative option of regional integration for the EU Eastern Partnership countries. For Ukraine and other countries of the Eastern Partnership, which declare their intention to sign association and deep and comprehensive free trade agreements with the EU, joining the Eurasian Customs Union would imply that the EU will have to negotiate agreements on trade with the Eurasian Union rather than with individual countries. This would significantly postpone the prospects of integration of these countries into the EU. The eastern partners of the EU, therefore, have to choose between two alternatives of integration (and Belarus has already chosen the eastern direction). Meanwhile, the EU has to rethink its own policy towards the Eastern Partnership countries and offer incentives for the further reforms to advance trade liberalization and association with the EU without damaging its own credibility. This is the key issue for the Lithuania's EU Council Presidency forthcoming in the second half of 2013.

Research purpose. The study is focused on Covid-19 pandemic on the European Union. This study inves-tigates the current trends and trade-offs of Covid-19 pandemic and social inclusion trends in European countries. Design / Methodology / Approach. Methodology is based on conventional statistical index theory and statistics. The study investigates cases, deaths and key Covid-19 statistics. The research design combines key social inclusion statistics of the Eurostat to official Covid-19 statistics of the European Centre for Dis-ease Prevention and Control. Findings. The study reports basic trends of Covid-19 cases, deaths, deaths/cases and calculates these Covid-19 trends in relation to population in 28/30 European countries. This study reports trade-off -anal-yses of key social inclusion trends of European Union countries. Key indicators are linked to economic in-come, income distribution, poverty, gender issues and housing statistics. The 10 key indicators of social inclusion are analysed and reported with Covid-19 data. Statistical correlation analysis table is calculated with key European country indicators. The study reveals some relevant aspects of social inclusion policy of the European Union in relation to on-going Covid-19 crisis. Originality / Value / Practical implications. This paper demonstrates novel and exciting possibilities of transparent index calculation tools. Novel original results are provided by the authors. Value added and interesting results are delivered for European governments and business community. Results and findings of the study can be used in the planning of economic recovery policies in the European Union.

Research purpose. The study is focused on Covid-19 pandemic on the European Union. This study inves-tigates the current trends and trade-offs of Covid-19 pandemic and social inclusion trends in European countries. Design / Methodology / Approach. Methodology is based on conventional statistical index theory and statistics. The study investigates cases, deaths and key Covid-19 statistics. The research design combines key social inclusion statistics of the Eurostat to official Covid-19 statistics of the European Centre for Dis-ease Prevention and Control. Findings. The study reports basic trends of Covid-19 cases, deaths, deaths/cases and calculates these Covid-19 trends in relation to population in 28/30 European countries. This study reports trade-off -anal-yses of key social inclusion trends of European Union countries. Key indicators are linked to economic in-come, income distribution, poverty, gender issues and housing statistics. The 10 key indicators of social inclusion are analysed and reported with Covid-19 data. Statistical correlation analysis table is calculated with key European country indicators. The study reveals some relevant aspects of social inclusion policy of the European Union in relation to on-going Covid-19 crisis. Originality / Value / Practical implications. This paper demonstrates novel and exciting possibilities of transparent index calculation tools. Novel original results are provided by the authors. Value added and interesting results are delivered for European governments and business community. Results and findings of the study can be used in the planning of economic recovery policies in the European Union.

The article "Analysis of Foreign Capital Inflow Impact on Innovative Growth: the Baltic States in the Context of European Union" discusses the role of foreign direct investments (FDI) and innovations in economies of Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and European Union countries. Impact of FDI and innovations on the growth of economy of a country is being critically evaluated. Quantitative influence of foreign direct investment and innovations on economic indicators of the Baltic states and the European Union countries is also being tested. Hypotheses formulated by authors tackle relationships between foreign direct investment, grossdomestic product, labour costs, research and development expenditure (R&D), patent applications and summary innovation index in Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and, respectively, in the European Union countries. In order to verify the presented hypotheses the correlation analysis and the Student's criteria method were used. Quantitative evaluation of separate relations enables us to compare and economically interpret the role of foreign direct investment and innovations in the Baltic states and European Union countries economies and allows forming an attitude of states towards stimulation of foreign direct investment and innovations.

The article "Analysis of Foreign Capital Inflow Impact on Innovative Growth: the Baltic States in the Context of European Union" discusses the role of foreign direct investments (FDI) and innovations in economies of Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and European Union countries. Impact of FDI and innovations on the growth of economy of a country is being critically evaluated. Quantitative influence of foreign direct investment and innovations on economic indicators of the Baltic states and the European Union countries is also being tested. Hypotheses formulated by authors tackle relationships between foreign direct investment, grossdomestic product, labour costs, research and development expenditure (R&D), patent applications and summary innovation index in Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and, respectively, in the European Union countries. In order to verify the presented hypotheses the correlation analysis and the Student's criteria method were used. Quantitative evaluation of separate relations enables us to compare and economically interpret the role of foreign direct investment and innovations in the Baltic states and European Union countries economies and allows forming an attitude of states towards stimulation of foreign direct investment and innovations.