Suchergebnisse

Tugann an staidéar seo cur síos cuimsitheach ar théarmeolaíocht na Gaeilge i gcomhthéacs fheidhmeanna aistriúcháin an Aontais Eorpaigh. Tháinig riachtanais phráinneacha téarmaíochta Gaeilge chun cinn in 2007 nuair a tugadh stádas teanga oifigiúil de chuid an AE don Ghaeilge. Tráchtann an staidéar seo ar an bhfreagairt a tugadh ar na riachtanais sin, agus cuireann sé an obair i gcomhthéacs na hoibre téarmeolaíochta a rinneadh i gcás theangacha 'nua' eile an AE, teangacha a bhain amach stádas oifigiúil in 2004 agus in 2007. Tugtar mioneolas ar IATE, comhbhunachar sonraí ilteangach fhorais agus chomhlachtaí an AE agus leagtar béim ar leith ar ról thrí mhórinstitiúid an AE, an Coimisiún, an Chomhairle agus an Pharlaimint. Is é Fiontar, Ollscoil Chathair Bhaile Átha Cliath, i gcomhairle le rannpháirtithe an tionscadail in institiúidí an AE agus i seirbhís phoiblí na hÉireann, a thiomsaigh an staidéar. ***English*** This study provides a comprehensive description of Irish-language terminology for the purposes of European Union translation work. An urgent need for Irish-language terminology arose in 2007 when Irish became an official EU language. This study documents the response to that need, and places it in the context of terminology work in other 'new' EU languages which gained official status in 2004 and 2007. IATE, the shared multilingual terminology database of the EU institutions and bodies, is described in detail, with particular emphasis on the role of the three major EU institutions, Commission, Council and Parliament. The study was compiled by Fiontar, Dublin City University, in consultation with project participants in the EU institutions and the Irish public service.

Chan Wai Shun. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 193-216). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; ABSTRACT --- p.III ; 緒論 --- p.IV ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENT --- p.V ; TABLE OF CONTENT --- p.VII ; ABBREVIATIONS / LIST OF TABLES / LISTS OF FIGURES --- p.XII ; Chapter CHAPTER 1: --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Policy Background --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Research Questions and Hypotheses --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Conceptualization of Terms --- p.8 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Thematic Framework of the Whole Dissertation --- p.11 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Methodology and Research Limitations --- p.14 ; Chapter 1.5.1 --- The Selection of Case --- p.16 ; Chapter 1.5.2 --- The Articulation of Narratives and Discourses --- p.17 ; Chapter 1.5.3 --- The Source of Narratives and Discourses --- p.18 ; Chapter 1.5.4 --- The Methodological Limitations --- p.20 ; Chapter 1.6 --- Potential Contributions --- p.21 ; Chapter 1.6.1 --- Contributions to Academic Community --- p.21 ; Chapter 1.6.2 --- Contributions to the Diplomatic Community --- p.23 ; Chapter 1.7 --- Chapter Summary and the Preview of the Dissertation --- p.24 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2: --- A THEORETICAL REVIEW ON EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.1 --- IR Theories and their Application in European Neighbourhood Policy --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Realism and its Variation --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- Liberal Institutionalism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.1.3 --- Constructivism and its Application --- p.30 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Problems of the Traditional IR Theories --- p.34 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- The Maltreatment of Bargaining Game within EU --- p.35 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- The Maltreatment of EU Polity --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- The Maltreatment of EU Foreign Policy --- p.38 ; Chapter 2.3 --- From IR ThEories to Policy-oriented Analysis --- p.40 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- The Enlargement Experience of the Usual Reference --- p.41 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- The Cross-pillar Characteristics of ENP ...

The COVID-19 pandemic brought on the so-called "coronacrisis," a global crisis event enormous in size and force. The crisis questioned the ability of states and instruments of international governance to respond quickly and effectively to the global threats. It is noteworthy that there was no strong correlation between crisis management efficacy and the type of political system of a country. However, the countries with elaborated and well-financed health systems, were able to struggle with the devastating consequences of the coronacrisis better than those with systemic, structural and financial problems of their healthcare sectors. It is obvious that the ability to manage the coronacrisis is not related to the type of political governance or ideology, but to the state administrative resources and competence of the cabinet / leaders. That potentially gave an opportunity for countries with different ideological foundations to neglect their tensions and unite the efforts in the containment of the SARS-CoV-2 virus (e.g. create mutual programmes of vaccination and medicine distribution). The main forces are the Transatlantic alliance, Russia and China. Unfortunately, no visible COVID-19-related agreement between them ever happened so far. Instead, the coronacrisis situation was used by the political rivals to intensify their aggressive rhetoric against each other (e.g., USA and Russia, USA and China) or profit from it in deepening international collaboration not connected with the pandemic itself (e.g., Russia and China). We do not observe any real mutual efforts of liquidating the pandemic consequences even within an ideological block, to say nothing about different blocks. The US–EU relationships worsened during the pandemic, especially at the background of Trump's cool attitude towards international organisations and his decision to leave the World Health Organization in the midst of the pandemic and his threatening words that US may also abandon the NATO. Likewise, John Bolton spoke of the EU as an entity hostile ...

V. Kravchenco [i.e. Kravchenko] ; 蘊雯, 陸沉, 安納合譯. ; 原書名不詳. 譯自英譯本: I chose freedom : the personal and political life of a Soviet official. ; 著錄據下册. ; V. Kravchenco [i.e. Kravchenko] ; Yun Wen, Lu Chen, An Na he yi. ; Yuan shu ming bu xiang. Yi zi Ying yi ben: I chose freedom : the personal and political life of a Soviet official. ; Zhu lu ju xia ce.

Includes bibliographical references (p. [487]-508) ; The papers collected in this anthology look at Chinese overseas, residing in five continents in the half century after the Second World War, from many new perspectives. Some papers raise questions about the Chinese diaspora in broad conceptual terms, and inquire into the meaning of being Chinese outside China. Other papers examine life in local communities, analysing how historical and contemporary circumstances affect their lives and the ways they negotiate their identity in the host country. In- depth case studies further bring out the complexity of the subject by identifying the range of variables, including the social, economic, political and cultural characteristics of the places of origin and destinations, as well as emigration and immigration policies, which affect the patterns of migration and the nature of settlement in any place at any time. This is especially highlighted in chapters using a comparative approach. With scholars from different disciplines, using different types of data, methodologies and theoretical tools, the richness of the subject matter becomes apparent ; published_or_final_version ; Preface / Sinn, Elizabeth pix ; Contributors pxi ; 1 Introduction: migration and new national identities / Wang, Gungwu p1 ; Glossary p485 ; Bibliography p487 ; Pt.I Overview p13 ; Pt.II Identity and ethnicity p63 ; Pt.III The diaspora in Europe p139 ; Pt.IV The Asia Pacific front p201 ; Pt.V New focus on Australia p277 ; Pt.VI.Chinese overseas in comparative perspectives ; Pt.VII Ethnicity, Religion and communal development and Qiaoxiang: Chinese overseas and the home village p423 ; 2 Upgrading the migrant: neither Huaqiao nor huaren / Wang, Gungwu p15 ; 3 Groundlessness and utopia: the Chinese diaspora and territory / Mung, Emmanuel Ma p35 ; 4 蕭玉燦主義的歷史命運 / 周南京 p49 ; 5 Preserving bukit China: the cultural politics of landscape interpretation in Melaka's Chinese cemetery / Cartier, Carolyn L. p65 ; 6 Representations of 'the Chinese' and 'ethnicity' in British racial discourse / Tam, Suk-tak p81 ; 7 Emerging British Chinese identities: issues and problems / Parker, David p91 ; 8 Integration or segregation: the Dutch and South African Chinese compared / Harris, Karen L. p115 ; 9 Chinese immigrants in Denmark after 1949: immigration patterns and development / Thuno, Mette p141 ; 10 Living among three walls? The peranakan Chinese in the Netherlands / Minghuan, Li p167 ; 11 The Chinese and Chinese districts in Paris / Guillon, Michelle p185 ; 12 Becoming 'Chinese Canadian': the genesis of a cultural category / Ng, Wing-chung p203 ; 13 Political participation amongst Chinese Canadians: the road to the 1993 election / Lary, Diana p217 ; 14 神戶的中國人與中國人社會 / 安井三吉 p229 ; 15 從日本華僑敎育的當地化傾向看日本華僑社會的當地化趨勢 / 朱慧玲 p241 ; 16 越南華人經濟形態的轉變(1975-1993) / 黃小堅 p261 ; 17 Astronaut families and parachute children: Hong Kong immigrants in Australia / Pe-Pua, Rogelia p279 ; 18 The changing characteristics of Chinese migrants to Australia during the 1980s and early 1990s / Coughlan, James E. p299 ; 19 Gold mountain no more: impressions of Australian society among recent Asian immigrants / Ip, David F. p347 ; 20 Chinese immigration to Australia and South Africa: a comparative analysis of legislative control / Harris, Karen L. p373 ; 21 Settlement experiences of recent Chinese immigrants in Australia: a comparison of settlers from Hong Kong, Taiwan and China / Wu, Chung-tong p391 ; 22 The role of the true jesus church in the communal development of the Chinese people in Elgin, Scotland / Liu, Garland p425 ; 23 現代中國少數民族人口境外遷移初探: 以新彊、雲南為例 / 譚天星 p447 ; 24 山東省日照市旅韓華僑的調查報告 / 晁中辰 p463 ; 25 戰後中國大陸客家人海外移民剖析: 梅州地區人口國際遷移情況的調查 / 黃靜 p475

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has emerged as a new model of regional governance at a moment of an increasing deficit of global governance and a governance dilemma in the European Union. In the past several years, during the consultations with the respective countries, the BRI has shocked the traditional western governance paradigm from the perspective of governance concept, structure and regulation. The BRI has also marked a change from Western governance emphasizing good-governance to Oriental and Chinese governance, emphasizing good-administration. From actor-oriented governance to topic-oriented governance and from pluralistic integration governance to multivariate, multibody governance. Those changes indicate the characteristics of the BRI based on resolving problems under shared circumstances, building consensus with shared ideals, searching for new ideas with shared needs, and would help to provide a regional governance transition with a feasible and referable model providing promising prospects. Key words: The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), Governance Paradigm, Concept, Structure, Regulation ; 全球治理赤字突显、欧盟治理遭遇困难之际,"一带一路"这一新型区域治理形式出现。几年来,在与沿线周边国家共商共建实践中,"一带一路"倡议合作在治理理念、结构、规范几个方面动摇了西方传统治理范式,预示着区域治理的改变和转向:从强调良治的西方治理模式向强调良政的东方方式、中国方式转变,从主体导向治理向主题导向治理转变,从多元一体治理向多元多体治理转变。这些转变体现了"一带一路"基于共同处境解决问题、出于相同理念凝聚共识、立于共同需求寻找方案的新特点,有望为区域治理转型提供可行的经验、可鉴的模式与可期的前景。 【关键词】:"一带一路";治理范式;理念;结构;规范

Jin, Lei. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 150-170). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; THESIS COMMITTEE --- p.II ; ABSTRACT --- p.IV ; 摘要 --- p.VI ; TABLE OF CONTENTS --- p.VIII ; LIST OF TABLES --- p.XII ; LIST OF FIGURES --- p.",XIV" ; LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS --- p.XVII ; Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- GENERAL INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Background of Mushroom --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1.1 --- Mushroom --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1.2 --- Shiitake Mushroom --- p.2 ; Chapter 1.1.3 --- Production of Shiitake mushroom --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.1.4 --- Taxonomy of Shiitake --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.1.5 --- Nutrients of Shiitake --- p.5 ; Chapter 1.1.6 --- Taste Substances of Shiitake --- p.10 ; Chapter 7.1.7 --- Aroma Components of Shiitake --- p.11 ; Chapter 1.1.8 --- Color of Shiitake --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Food Additives --- p.13 ; Chapter 1.2.1 --- Food Additives --- p.13 ; Chapter 1.2.2 --- Definition of Food Additives Given by FA O/WHO Joint Expert Committee for Food Additives (JECFA) --- p.13 ; Chapter 1.2.3 --- Definition of Food Additives Given by the Commission of the European Union --- p.14 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Food Colorants and Stability Assessment --- p.15 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- "Define a Color: Color Space, Hue, and Chroma" --- p.15 ; Chapter 1.3.2 --- Natural Pigment --- p.17 ; Chapter 1.3.3 --- Food Color and use of Colorant --- p.17 ; Chapter 1.3.4 --- Microbial Colors as Food Colorant --- p.19 ; Chapter 1.3.5 --- Stability of Food Colorant --- p.23 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Food Safety and Risk Assessment --- p.23 ; Chapter 1.4.1 --- Food Safety --- p.23 ; Chapter 1.4.2 --- The Codex Alimentarius --- p.24 ; Chapter 1.4.3 --- National and Regional Authorities --- p.24 ; Chapter 1.4.4 --- The Acceptable Daily Intake (ADI) and Other Related Safety Levels --- p.25 ; Chapter 1.4.5 --- Toxicity Tests for Safety Assessment --- p.26 ; Chapter 1.4.6 --- Sensitive Organs to Toxin (Liver and Kidney) --- p.29 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Safety Assessment of Food Color Additives ...

The transition of the global financial governance system is a history of the rise and fall of the Western advanced countries in the post-war international political and economic system. Since the end of the Second World War, the International Monetary Foundation and the World Bank have always taken the dominant role in the field of global financial governance. However, after the beginning of the global financial crisis in 2008, many drawbacks have become apparent concerning these two significant institutions, such as the lack of representatives, the slow and ineffective response to the crisis, etc. Following a strong appeal from the developing countries (with the emerging powers as their representatives), the global financial governance system has experienced several rounds of reforms which have yet to yield acceptable results. Therefore, it is highly necessary to create a new institution which can play a complementary role in the existing financial governance system rather than overthrow it. Complying with the tide of history, the official establishment of the BRICS Bank can be of great significance to the reform of current global financial governance systems such as diversifying the global financial governance bodies, representing the interests of developing countries in a better way, enhancing the status and improving the importance of emerging economies in the international political and economic order. Admittedly, the BRICS Bank also faces great challenges and limits such as the lack of a core leadership and the absence of a unified currency, etc.

by Ngan Nga Wing. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 220-236). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgments --- p.iii ; Table of Contents --- p.iv ; List of Tables --- p.xi ; List of Figures --- p.xiii ; List of Abbreviations --- p.xiv ; Chapter CHAPTER ONE --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Background --- p.1 ; Context of the Study --- p.2 ; Ethnic Chinese and Their Business --- p.2 ; Ethnic Chinese and Homeward Investment --- p.4 ; Guanxi and the Contemporary Socialist China --- p.5 ; The Notion of Guanxi and Instrumental Relationships --- p.7 ; Area of Study --- p.10 ; Physical Environment of Fuj ian Province --- p.10 ; Economic Development Since 1949 --- p.10 ; "Reasons of Selecting Jinjiang, Fujian " --- p.11 ; Objectives of the Study --- p.12 ; A Brief of the Thesis --- p.13 ; Chapter CHAPTER TWO --- METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES --- p.14 ; Introduction --- p.14 ; Research Designs And Methods --- p.15 ; Choice of the Method-Qualitative Method --- p.15 ; Data Collection From Human Resources --- p.20 ; Purposive and Emergent Sampling --- p.21 ; Data Collection in the Field --- p.22 ; In-depth Interviews --- p.23 ; Group Interviews --- p.26 ; Participant Observation --- p.28 ; Secondary Data in the Field --- p.29 ; Some Critical Reflection in the Field --- p.30 ; Data Collection From Non-human Resources --- p.32 ; Inductive Data Analysis --- p.33 ; Categorization --- p.33 ; Triangulation --- p.34 ; Network Analysis --- p.35 ; Case Reporting --- p.36 ; Tape Recording --- p.37 ; Verbatim --- p.38 ; Narrative --- p.38 ; Validity And The Issue Of Subjectivity --- p.39 ; Summary --- p.41 ; Chapter CHAPTER THREE --- ETHNIC CHINESE AND THEIR BUSINESS CULTURE --- p.42 ; Introduction --- p.42 ; Economic Success of Ethnic Chinese --- p.43 ; Hostile Business Environments --- p.45 ; Political Environment --- p.45 ; Restriction of the Scope of Economic Activities --- p.47 ; Restriction on Capital Participation of Ethnic Chinese --- p.49 ...

It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]

It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]

This report outlines the consideration of the Proposal for a Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council discontinuing seasonal changes of time and repealing Directive 2000/84/EC. An interdepartmental Steering Group was established in September 2018, chaired by the Department of Justice and Equality, to guide a public consultation exercise involving all relevant stakeholders. The terms of reference of the group were to - Consider the EU Commission Proposal; - Input into briefing for discussions at Working Group and Ministerial level; - Have oversight of a public consultation exercise with all relevant stakeholders; - Develop conclusions and recommendations for a report to Government. The group met on five occasions between October 2018 and March 2019 (see Appendix A for membership).

by Li Hang-tsang, Steven. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 133-138). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; List of Tables --- p.i ; List of Charts --- p.iii ; List of Diagrams --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Global Interaction and Economic Development --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Sociological Perspectives of Economic Development --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Network Perspective of Global Interaction --- p.7 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Objectives and research Design --- p.9 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.1 --- World System Perspective and Global Interaction --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Classification Scheme of World System Perspective --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- Global Interaction and the Operation of Capitalism --- p.13 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Global Interaction and Economic Development --- p.19 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Economic Business Cycle and Economic Development --- p.20 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Global Factors and Economic Development --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- Local Factors and Economic Development --- p.24 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Critiques and Limitations of World System Perspective --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- The Limitation of Theory Testing --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- Insufficient Study of Global Interaction --- p.27 ; Chapter (1) --- Interaction Among Core Countries --- p.29 ; Chapter (2) --- Interaction Between Core Country and Semi-Peripheral Country --- p.30 ; Chapter (3) --- Interaction Among Peripheral Countries --- p.31 ; Chapter (4) --- Other Unspecified Interaction --- p.31 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- The Ignored Facets of Global Interaction --- p.32 ; Chapter (1) --- Interaction Partner --- p.32 ; Chapter (2) --- Interaction Intensity --- p.32 ; Chapter (3) --- The Combined Effect of Interaction Partner and Interaction Intensity --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.4 --- The Network Perspective and New Conception to Global Interaction --- p.35 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Conceptual Framework and Hypotheses --- p.39 ...

The Control of Exports Act 2008 requires that the Minister, as soon as practicable after the end of each year, prepare and lay before each House of the Oireachtas a report on the operation in the preceding year of matters within the Act. This report covers licensing activity by the Department of Business, Enterprise and Innovation, and changes to European and Irish legislation, for the period 1st January-31st December 2018. Annex I provides supplementary information on Irish regulations for the enforcement of EU Restrictive Measures. Detailed statistics on the licences issued are provided in Annex II. Background information on military list codes, dual-use categories, multilateral non-proliferation regimes, and EU Restrictive Measures is set out in Annexes III-VI. Previous reports on the operation of Ireland?s export control regime are available on the Department?s website.

到2013年,香港教育專業人員協會(教協會)創會已過了四十年,成為香港最大的教師工會,在香港教育界扮演著重要的角色。本研究將重點放在回歸十年(1997-2007年)這段期間。在這期間香港教育經歷很大的變化,有人稱之為翻天覆地的改變。隨著教育統籌局局長李國章及常任秘書長羅范椒芬在2007年離任,教育改革似乎又走向另一個階段。本研究以教師語文基準為研究焦點。雖然教師語文政策自1982年《國際顧問團報告書》提出後,1992年的教育統籌委員會的五號報告書建議成立「語文能力工作小組」,而小組於1994年提出的《語文能力工作小組報告書》中已提及教師的語文基準,但至教改開始時仍在討論醞釀階段,語文教師基準檢測是回歸以來特區政府的首項重要教育政策,也是教師工會自1973年文憑教師爭薪酬事件以後的另一次大規模抗爭行動。 ; 本研究嘗試用定質方法分析這種現象﹐旨在了解教協會作為一個教師工會,如何參與教育改革。本研究視教育改革為一個福柯式的規訓制度,焦點在於教協在建立這規訓制度過程中的參與,以教師語文基準為例,通過深度訪談(in-depth interview)和文獻查檢,分析官員、學者、教師、學生、家長等的言論、政府的政策文件以及對教協會的評論及回應等。傳媒的報道、外界的批評,未必與事實相符,因此,本研究的其中一個步驟是查閱教協會的內部文件,並訪問主要處理該政策的教協會理事,理解教協會提出政策建議背後的理念,以及它對官員的回應以及對政策的影響,最後透過本人當年作為教協會義工和後期作為理事的親身經歷加以印證,分析教協會在教師語文政策論述中的角色,理解國家與工會的互動如何建構規訓式的教育改革的政策。 ; By 2013, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union (PTU), the biggest teachers' union in Hong Kong, has been founded for over four decades and plays an important role in the education sector. This research focuses on the ten years after the handover of Hong Kong (1997-2007), which is a period of great change (some call it radical change) in the history of education in Hong Kong. After the Secretary of Education and Manpower Arthur Li Kwok-cheung and the Permanent Secretary Fanny Law Fan Chiu-fun stepped down in 2007, the Education Reform seems to have entered another stage. Within the decade of Education Reform, all changes are of great research significance. This thesis attempts to explore the Teachers' Language Benchmarks Policy, amidst other reform policies. Although the teachers' language policy was put on the agenda as early as the Llewellyn Report in 1982, and, although teachers' language benchmark was mentioned in the " Report of the Working Group on Language Proficiency " in 1994, formed after the Education Commission Report No.5's recommendation in 1992, it was still in an embryonic stage when the Education Reforms started. This policy was the first important educational policy launched by the SAR Government since the handover, and it also instigated one of the teachers' union major mass protest actions, after the ...