Suchergebnisse

Uvod: Demografsko staranje predstavlja v zadnjem času velik izziv, s katerim se sooča večina evropskih držav, tudi Slovenija. Ob daljšanju življenjske dobe se mnogi starejši soočajo z eno ali več kroničnimi boleznimi, odvisnostjo od drugih, oslabljenostjo in krhkostjo. A stanje krhkosti ni nepovratna posledica staranja ; izziv, s katerim se soočamo ob podaljševanju življenjske dobe je doseganje čvrste, nekrhke, zdrave in samostojne starosti. Namen: Namen dela je proučiti razširjenost in pojavnost sindroma krhkosti pri starejših odraslih (starih 65 let in več) v Sloveniji in ovrednotiti razlike v primerjavi z Evropo. Metode: Izvedli smo retrospektivno raziskavo razširjenosti in pojavnosti sindroma krhkosti v Sloveniji in Evropi na podlagi podatkov iz raziskave o zdravju, procesu staranja in upokojevanju v Evropi - SHARE. Uporabili smo podatke za leto 2011 (val 4), 2013 (val 5) in 2015 (val 6), pri čemer smo krhkost ovrednotili na podlagi validirane metode SHARE fenotip krhkosti. Analizirali smo razširjenost in pojavnost sindroma krhkosti v Sloveniji in Evropi, ter izvedli primerjavo razširjenosti med Slovenijo in Evropo, in sicer po spolu, starostnih skupinah, izobrazbi, samooceni zdravja, polifarmakoterapiji, geografskih regijah (v Sloveniji) in državah (v Evropi). Rezultati: Razširjenost sindroma krhkosti med starejšimi odraslimi v letu 2015 je bila v Sloveniji 14,2% (95% CI: 12,7-15,6%), v Evropi pa 15,4% ; 95% CI: 14,8-15,9%). Razširjenost predkrhkosti v Sloveniji je bila 41,8% (v Evropi: 44,4%). Med leti 2011 (18,1%), 2013 (17,0%) in 2015 (14,2%) je razširjenost krhkosti v Sloveniji padala. Štiriletna pojavnost (2011-2015) sindroma krhkosti je bila v Sloveniji 4,4 % (95% CI: 2,1-6,7%), v Evropi 5,4 % (95% CI: 4,9-5,9%). Večja razširjenost in pojavnosti krhkosti je pri ženskah, narašča s starostjo, večja je pri nižje izobraženih ljudeh ter osebah s polifarmakoterapijo. Več kot 45% krhkih posameznikov v Sloveniji in Evropi svoje zdravje ocenjuje kot slabo. Najmanjša razširjenost krhkosti je na gorenjskem (8,5%), največja v pomurski regiji (22,2%), v Evropi pa v splošnem narašča od severne proti južni Evropi. Statistično značilen vpliv na krhkost ima spol (v Evropi), starost, izobrazba (v Evropi), samoocena zdravja, polifarmakoterapija ter tudi nekatere regije v severovzhodni Sloveniji in države v Evropi. Zaključki: V prihodnosti bi bilo smiselno poenotiti metodologijo določanja krhkosti ter poenotiti definicijo pojavnosti krhkosti in predkrhkosti, da bi bili rezultati raziskav v različnih državah lažje primerljivi. ; Introduction: Demographic ageing affects most of the European countries, including Slovenia. Increased life expectancy is associated with higher prevalence of chronic diseases, disability, weakness and frailty. Nevertheless, frailty is not an irreversible one-way process. Current challenge for modern healthcare systems is providing non-frail, healthy and independent aging. Aim: The aim of this master's thesis is to evaluate prevalence and incidence of frailty syndrome in older adults (⡥ 65 years) in Slovenia and examine differences compared to other European countries. Methods: Retrospective study of prevalence and incidence of frailty syndrome in Slovenia and Europe was conducted, using the data from Survey of Health, Ageing & Retirement in Europe (SHARE). We used data collected in 2011 (wave 4), 2013 (wave 5) and 2015 (wave 6). Frailty was defined according to validated SHARE Frailty Phenotype method. Prevalence and incidence of frailty in Slovenia and Europe was analyzed, including comparison between Slovenia and Europe, using variables: sex, age categories, education, self-rated health, polypharmacy, statistical regions (Slovenia) and countries (Europe). Results: The overall prevalence of frailty in Slovenia (2015) was 14.2% (95% CI: 12.7-15.6 %), in Europe 15.4% (95% CI: 14.8-15.9%). Prevalence of pre-frailty was 41.8% (Europe: 44.4%). Prevalence in Slovenia was decreasing throughout years: 2011 (18.1%), 2013 (17.0%) and 2015 (14.2%). Four-year incidence of frailty syndrome (2011-2015) was 4.4% (95% CI: 2.1-6.7%) in Slovenia and 5.4% (95% CI: 4.9-5.9%) in Europe. Frailty prevalence and incidence increased with age, and were more frequent among women and participants with lower education and older adults with polypharmacy. More than 45% of older adults in Slovenia and Europe self-assessed their health as bad. Frailty prevalence varies across statistical regions in Slovenia. The proportion of frailty or prefrailty was in general higher in southern than in northern Europe. The variables that are significantly related to prevalence of frailty are gender (female, Europe), age, education (Europe), self-rated health, polypharmacy, some statistical regions in Slovenia and countries in Europe. Conclusions: Unified methodology for evaluating frailty is necessary for easier comparison of results between countries. Moreover, a harmonized definition of measuring frailty incidence may be useful.

Makroregionalne strategije Evropske unije (EU), kot orodje kohezijske politike, predstavljajo celosten okvir, katerega namen je reševanje skupnih izzivov, ki se pojavljajo na določenem geografskem območju. Državam članicam EU, kot tudi tretjim državam, je tako omogočeno skupno spopadanje s težavami in večji izkoristek skupnih potencialov. Naloga temelji na predpostavki, da sodelovanje držav Zahodnega Balkana (ZB) znotraj makroregionalnih strategij pripomore k njihovemu lažjemu vključevanju v EU. Namen naloge je proučiti usklajenost makroregionalnih strategij EU in širitvene politike EU ter prispevati k razumevanju zunanje dimenzije kohezijske politike. V teoretičnem delu naloge opredelim ključne koncepte s področja zunanjepolitičnega delovanja EU. V empiričnem delu najprej preverim koherentnost makroregionalnih strategij EU in širitvene politike z vidika ciljev in sredstev teh politik. Nato s primerjalno analizo koherentnost teh dveh politik merim z vidika napredka držav ZB pri pristopnih poglavjih glede na posamezna vsebinska področja makroregionalnih strategij. Usklajenost ciljev in sredstev makroregionalnih strategij in širitvene politike, možnost koriščenja znanja, pridobljenega na podlagi sodelovanja znotraj makroregionalnih strategij pri pristopnem procesu držav ZB ter ne nazadnje viden napredek pri pristopnem procesu pokaže, da makroregionalne strategije krepijo pristopni proces držav k EU. ; The European Union's (EU) macro-regional strategies, as the cohesion policy tool, represent an integrated framework aimed at addressing the common challenges that arise in a given geographical area. This allows EU Member States, as well as third countries, to tackle problems together and make greater use of their common potential. The thesis is based on the assumption that the participation of the countries of the Western Balkans (WB) within macro-regional strategies helps to facilitate their integration into the EU. The aim is to examine the coherence between EU macro-regional strategies and the EU enlargement process and to contribute to the understanding of the external dimension of the cohesion policy. In the theoretical part of the thesis, I define key concepts in the field of EU foreign policy action. In the empirical part, I first check the coherence of the EU macro-regional strategies and enlargement policy in terms of goals and means of these policies. Then with a comparative analysis I measure the coherence of these two policies in terms of progress of WB countries in accession chapters according to individual content areas of macro-regional strategies. The coherence of the goals and means of macro-regional strategies and enlargement policy, the possibility of using the knowledge gained through cooperation within macro-regional strategies in the accession process of WB countries and last but not least visible progress in the accession progress show that macro-regional strategies are strengthening EU accession process.

Somaltex / Praxy Fernandes -- Jowhar Sugar Factory / Ales Vahčič -- The cigarette and match factory / Vladimir Kreačić -- The Foundry and Mechanical Workshop / Zia Uddin Ahmed -- Cyprus Telecommunications Authority / Ales Vahčič ... [et al.] -- The Electricity Authority of Cyprus / Praxy Fernandes, Costakis Panayiotou and John Charalambides -- Air Jamaica / Praxy Fernandes and Marie Slyfield -- Jamaica Railway Corporation / Vladimir Kreačić and Phyllis Green

V Sloveniji % podobno pa tudi v več drugih postkomunističnih drţavah % od osamosvojitve naprej mnogi lastniki zemljišč spodbujajo k temu, da bi divjad podobno kot v večini zahodnih drţavah postala nikogaršnja last. S tem bi lastniki pridobili lovno pravico nad divjadjo na svojih posestih. Preskusili smo domnevo, da je v drţavah, kjer imajo lastniki zemljišč pravico do lova, teţje uveljavljati interese po ohranjanju zavarovanih velikih zveri (rjavi medved, volk in ris). Takšna ureditev verjetno daje lastniku večjo avtonomnost na svoji posesti ter občutek lastništva nad vsemi vrstami prostoţivečih ţivali, tudi zavarovanih. Za preučitev vpliva lovnih pravic na stanje velikih zveri smo v rastrskem okolju z ločljivostjo 10 % 10 km analizirali petindvajset evropskih drţav z različno zakonodajno ureditvijo lovnih pravic (drţavna lovna pravica, ali pa vezana na lastništvo zemlje). V raziskavo smo poleg lovnih pravic vključili tudi habitatne, socioekonomske in druge dejavnike, ki bi lahko vplivali na stanje velikih zveri. Ugotovili smo, da habitatna primernost bistveno vpliva na prisotnost velikih zveri ; zelo pomembni sta tudi gostota prebivalstva in prisotnost zavarovanega območja. Kjer so lovne pravice last zasebnikov, ugotavljamo negativen vpliv na prisotnost medveda in volka, ne pa tudi na risa. Sprememba lovne zakonodaje v Sloveniji bi torej utegnila zmanjšati toleranco do velikih zveri s tem pa negativno vplivala na njihovo populacijo. ; Since Slovenia declared independence, the landowners, similarly to other European post-communist countries, want the hunting right to be a property right that is tied to land, as it is the case in many western European countries. In this way, the landowners would have the right to hunt on their land. Our hypothesis was, that it is more difficult to maintain the protected large carnivores (brown bear, wolf and lynx) on areas where landlords have the right to hunt. Such regulations allow the landlords to enjoy greater autonomy there, as well as an ownership status attached to all wild life, including the protected. To examine the effects of hunting rights regulations on the status of the large carnivores, we analyzed a raster environment of 10 % 10 km in twenty-five European countries with different hunting right regulations, where the hunting right is either a property right, or it is regulated by a supreme state body. Additional to hunting rights, other factors were included into the research, such as habitat rights, socio-economic factors, and other that could influence the situation of large carnivores. We found out, that the habitat suitability has the largest influence on the presence of large carnivores, followed by the population density, and the status of a protected area. The presence of the bear and the wolf is lower where the hunting rights are tied to the land. There was no significant impact on the presence of the lynx. A legislation change in Slovenia might therefore decrease the level of tolerance towards large carnivores and have negative influence on their population.

Pojem administrativna ovira lahko razložimo kot nekaj, kar lahko posamezniku ali organizaciji onemogoča doseganje zastavljenih ciljev v njegovem vsakdanjem življenju. Posebno pozornost v magistrski nalogi smo tako namenili predstavitvi različnih evropskih programov, ki se ukvarjajo s problematiko zmanjševanja administrativnih ovir tako na nivoju EU, kot tudi na nacionalni ravni držav članic. V okviru magistrske naloge smo se osredotočili ravno na črpanje sredstev kohezijske politike EU ter na podlagi podatkov raziskave poskušali pokazati, kje se še možnosti za odpravo administrativnih ovir ter kje so tiste slabosti oz. ovire, ki jim do sedaj nismo pripisovali dovolj velike pozornosti, čeprav se v procesu administrativnega vodenja projektov z njimi vsakodnevno srečujemo. Na ta način bomo dosegli še dodatno poenostavitev postopkov in povečali uspešnost pri črpanju sredstev iz strukturnih skladov EU. V nalogi obravnavani raziskovalni problem, se nanaša na upravljanje s projekti v fazi njihovega izvajanja, v okviru katerega smo se osredotočili na administrativno in finančno poročanje. Z izvedeno raziskavo smo preučili tri sklope vprašanj, ki se nanašajo na administrativne ovire pri projektnem poročanju, organizacijsko strukturo kohezijske politike in rezultate uspešnosti Slovenije pri črpanju sredstev evropske kohezijske politike. Slovenija je primerljivo uspešna z drugimi evropskimi državami pri črpanju sredstev EU, kar smo v sklopu izvedene raziskave dokazali na podlagi analize absorbcijske uspešnosti kohezijske politike. Prav tako Slovenija izkazuje nizek delež administrativnih stroškov glede na ocenjene vrednosti povprečnega deleža bruto domačega proizvoda, ki ga predstavljajo administrativni stroški in je v tem kriteriju izmed primerjanih držav najuspešnejša. S problemom črpanja evropskih sredstev so se ukvarjale vse zadnje slovenske vlade, zlasti v finančni krizi pa so nekako končno priznale, da so to pravzaprav edina dodatna razvojna sredstva, ki jih država lahko pridobi, od njene usmerjenosti in absorbcijske sposobnosti pa je hkrati tudi odvisno, kako uspešno jih bo uspela počrpati. ; The concept of an administrative burden can be explained as something that makes it impossible for an individual or organization to achieve the objectives pursued in their everyday life. Special focus of this master thesis is dedicated to the presentation of different European programs which deal with the problem of reducing administrative burdens at the EU level and also at the national level of individual Member States. The present master thesis focuses particularly on the absorbtion of funds of the EU cohesion policy, and on the basis of the research data attempts to show where there is still potential for the reduction of administrative burdens and where there are those weaknesses or barriers that have not yet received enough attention, although we face them daily in the process of administrative management. In this way we can achieve further simplification of the procedures and enhance efficiency in the disbursement of funding from the EU Structural Funds. The research problem of the thesis relates to the management of projects at the stage of their implementation, in which we focus on administrative and financial reporting. During the survey we considered three main questions related to administrative burdens in the phase of project reporting, organizational structure of the cohesion policy and on the results of the Slovenian performance in the absorbtion of EU cohesion policy funds. Slovenia shares comparable success with other European countries in absorbing EU funds, which was proved on the basis of the analysis of absorbtion efficiency of the Cohesion policy carried out in the framework of this research. Slovenia also shows a considerably low share of administrative costs in relation to the estimated value of the average share of the gross domestic product represented by these administrative costs. In terms of this criterion Slovenia is the most successful country from the countries we compared. All the recent Slovenian Governments have dealt with issues relating to the absorbtion of European funds, especially during the last financial crisis, when they finally recognized that these funds are actually the only additionally available developmental funds the state can obtain. The state's orientation and absorbtion capacity will thus show how successful it will be in the future in absorbing these funds.

Erasmus+ je program Evropske Unije (EU) na področju izobraževanja, usposabljanja, mladine in športa, ki omogoča mednarodno učno mobilnost. Tako Evropska komisija kot akademski strokovnjaki velikokrat navajajo Erasmus+ za uspešen primer evropske integracije in kot spodbujevalec evropske identitete. To magistrsko delo s pomočjo interpretativne paradigme poskuša osvetliti presečišče med teorijo evropskih integracij, vrednotenjem programa Erasmus+ in osmišljanjem evropske identitete. Analiza EU dokumentov je pokazala, da termin evropska identiteta izrazito nekonsistentno uporabljen znotraj upravljavskih organov EU. Poleg tega se je pomen evropske identitete, kakor jo je navzven predstavljala Skupnost, od sedemdesetih let prejšnjega stoletja naprej izrazito spreminjal. Prvotni zunanje-politični pomen je zamenjalo vrednotenje evropske identitete v odnosu do nacionalne države. Raziskave na področju vplivov programa Erasmus+ (oziroma mednarodne mobilnosti) na izgradnjo evropske identitete sicer prinašajo zelo različne rezultate, skoraj vse pa pesti problem metodološkega nacionalizma. Učinki programa Erasmus+ so sicer pozitivni, vendar težko ovrednoteni, saj so se od začetkov programa leta 1987 do danes drastično spreminjali. Opazna je neoliberalna logika prostega pretoka delovne sile v smislu spodbujanja mednarodne mobilnosti in posledično izgrajevanja konkurenčnega trga delovne sile na katerem štejejo kompetence posameznika/ posameznice. ; Erasmus+ is the European Union's (the EU) programme in the fields of education, training, youth and sport, which enables international learning mobility. Both the European Commission and academic experts often cite Erasmus+ as a successful example of European integration and as a facilitator of a European identity. This thesis seeks to illuminate the intersection between the theory of European integration, the evaluation of the Erasmus + programme and European identity. This is done with interpretive paradigm. An analysis of the EU' documents has shown that the term European identity is used in a highly inconsistent way within the EU's bodies. In addition, the meaning of European identity, as initially represented by the Community, has changed markedly since the 1970s. The original meaning reflected the foreign policy aspirations of the Community ; later this was replaced with the emphasis of European identity in relation to the nation-state. Research in the field of measuring the impact of the Erasmus+ programme (or international mobility) on the construction of the European identity brings a variety of results. The common problem of such research is the one of methodological nationalism. The effects of the Erasmus+ programme are positive, but difficult to evaluate, as they have changed drastically since the beginning of the programme in 1987. The neoliberal logic behind the free movement of labour is noticeable, especially in the light of boosting international mobility to create a competitive labour market, where one's competencies are all that matters.

Abstract. The article deals with the wide range of mechanisms in support of civil society institutions–government interaction in the context of developing and implementing European integration reforms in Ukraine. The
authors identified 6 strategic documents and 20 areas
of reform related to the process of European integration,
as well as the key issues concerning implementation of
the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the
EU. The authors conclude that positive trends are visible in recent decades in the institutional development
of Ukrainian civil society, which has become a driving
force of the country's European integration aspirations.
In this setting, civil society institutions (CSIs) work with
government agencies, engage in informal advocacy,
conduct monitoring policies, perform and publish policy analysis and recommendations, and work with and
lobby international agencies and other actors.

To magistrsko delo analizira obrambno sodelovanje držav višegrajske skupine s poudarkom na sodelovanju na področju obrambne industrije in sodobne obrambne trgovine med državami. Čeprav se zdi, da je višegrajska skupina zelo povezana in trdna zveza držav, se v literaturi pojavljajo prav nasprotna mnenja. Četudi so vsem državam skupine skupne težave zaradi zastarele vojaške opreme in potrebe po modernih oborožitvenih sistemih ter kljub obetavnim izjavam politikov, je sodelovanje na tem področju zelo skopo. Obrambne industrije višegrajskih držav so čedalje bolj vpete v proizvodne procese zahodnih vojaških multinacionalnih korporacij, politični odločevalci višegrajske skupine pa še vedno niso pripravljeni izdatno podpreti iskrenega sodelovanja med državami, kot na primer skupnih dobav. Četudi lahko pri analizi obrambnih sektorjev skupine zaznamo celo vrsto strukturnih problemov, pa se obrambna trgovina višegrajskih držav ujema z njihovo zunanjo in varnostno politiko. To ujemanje samo po sebi ne izključuje ostalih težav v obrambnih industrijskih sektorjih, ki ovirajo sodelovanje držav, služi pa kot nadaljnji dokaz, kako so obrambno-industrijski sektorji držav tesno povezani z njihovo zunanjo in varnostno politiko. ; This master thesis analyses the defense cooperation of the Visegrad group countries with specific focus on the collaboration initiatives in the defence industry sector and ongoing arms trade relations among the countries. While the Visegrad group seems a coherent and a solid group of countries, many experts on this field argue quite the contrary. Despite the common issues regarding the obsolete military force, the need for newer or modernized weapon systems and, above all, the political declarations promoting the defence industry cooperation among the group countries, there have been little steps taken apart from the promising rhetoric. The countries' defence industries are progressively more involved in the work process of the Western defence corporations, while the political decision makers are still not really keen on genuine cooperation such as common acquisition of arms in intra-group level. While a whole set of obstacles for the deeper cooperation can be identified, foreign and security directions of the countries resemble the trade relations in the arms market. Although this matching as such does not necessarily prove that the group's foreign and security policies solely and by itself negatively contribute to the closer defence industry cooperation, it serves as another proof how the defence industrial complex is tightly connected to one country's foreign and security policy.

V magistrskem delu obravnavam vlogo tiskovnih agencij v javni sferi v procesu poročanja o izstopu Velike Britanije iz Evropske unije oziroma brexitu. Vloga agencij je, da zagotavljajo zanesljive informacije, ki jih nato mediji posredujejo svojim občinstvom, kar omogoči oblikovanje javnega mnenja. Proučujem vpliv dejavnikov velikosti tiskovne agencije in njenega bruseljskega dopisništva, velikosti države izvora agencije ter relevantnosti brexita za državo izvora in njene državljane na izpolnjevanje vloge tiskovne agencije v javni sferi. Analiza pogovorov z bruseljskima dopisnikoma Slovenske tiskovne agencije (STA) in britanske tiskovne agencije z mednarodno razsežnostjo Reuters ter uradnikom Evropske unije kaže, da vsi trije dejavniki vplivajo predvsem na dostopnost informacij. To pa vsaj do določene mere vpliva tudi na izpolnjevanje vloge tiskovnih agencij v javni sferi, saj lahko novinarji z boljšim dostopom svojim naslovnikom zagotavljajo več in bolj zanesljive informacije. Oba dopisnika sicer trdita, da ustrezno izpolnjujeta to vlogo. V raziskavi sem ugotovil tudi, da s tem, ko novinarja o Uniji ne poročata samo z nacionalnega vidika, ampak tudi z evropskega, prispevata k vzpostavljanju evropske javne sfere. ; This master's thesis examines the role of news agencies in the public sphere when reporting about Great Britain leaving the European Union (Brexit). Their role is to provide reliable information to the media which pass it to their audiences, what enables forming of the public opinion. I study the impact of factors of size of the news agency and its Brussels' bureau, size of the country of origin of the agency and the relevance of Brexit for the country of origin and its citizens on fulfilling news wire's role in the public sphere. The analysis of interviews with Brussels' correspondents of Slovene Press Agency (STA) and British Press Agency with international comprehensiveness Reuters and with an EU official shows that all the three factors impact the journalist's access to the information. To some extent this also impacts the fulfilling of news agencies' role in the public sphere. Namely, journalists with better access to the sources can provide more information that is also more trustworthy to their recipients. Correspondents of STA and Reuters both carry out this role, in their opinion. I have also found out that they both report about the EU from the European perspective and not just from the national perspective, which means that they contribute to the forming of the European public sphere.