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The following article deals with the social participation of citizens of Kazakhstan, as well as the functioning of non-commercial organizations that are a manifestation of social activity in this country. The presented research is an attempt to systematize the issue of non-commercial organizations in Kazakhstan from the point of view of Polish science. The issue of the non-governmental sector is an extremely broad field of research, therefore basic legal acts, regulating these forms of social initiatives, have been examined. In addition, the third sector appears to be an important element in analysing the activities of post-Soviet countries, which are usually characterized by an authoritarian system of power, trying to maintain maximum control over civic initiatives. It turns out, they can function independently despite the difficulties. In the first part of the article, the author presents the legal framework that has been taken into account by the Kazakh legislator in relation to civil society and its associations, including primarily non-commercial ones, which constitute the important content of this article. Additionally, the operation, legal forms and areas covered by the activities of these organizations were analysed. The next part of the text is the evaluation of regulations that raise the issue of establishing associations, as well as the interpretation of other state concepts that provide for the development of civil society. In the last part, the author continues his reflection on the functioning of non-profit organizations in Kazakhstan, discussing forms of state support for this sector. The article ends with a summary of the whole topic and verification of the hypotheses set out in the introduction. ; Niniejszy artykuł dotyczy partycypacji społecznej obywateli Republiki Kazachstanu, a także funkcjonowania niekomercyjnych organizacji, które są przejawem aktywności społecznej w tym państwie. Przedstawiona analiza jest próbą usystematyzowania zagadnienia tychże organizacji niekomercyjnych w Republice Kazachstanu z punktu widzenia polskiej nauki. Zagadnienie sektora pozarządowego jest niezwykle szeroką dziedziną badań, z tego względu badaniu zostały poddane podstawowe akty prawne regulujące te formy inicjatyw społecznych. Ponadto trzeci sektor jawi się jako istotny element analizy działań państw poradzieckich, charakteryzujących się najczęściej autorytarnym systemem władzy, starającym się utrzymywać maksymalną kontrolę nad inicjatywami obywatelskimi. Okazuje się, iż mogą one pomimo trudności funkcjonować samodzielnie i właśnie temu aspektowi poświęcono artykuł. W pierwszej jego części autor przedstawia ramy prawne jakie zostały uwzględnione przez prawodawcę kazachstańskiego względem społeczeństwa obywatelskiego i jego organizacji w tym przede wszystkim tych niekomercyjnych, które stanowią ważną treść tego artykułu. Dalej przedstawione zostały akty prawne dotyczące stricte tego pojęcia. Ponadto analizie poddano aktywność, formy prawne, a także obszary jakimi jest objęta działalność tychże organizacji. Kolejną część tekstu stanowi analiza przepisów, poruszających kwestie zakładania stowarzyszeń, a także interpretacja pozostałych koncepcji państwowych, przewidujących rozwój społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. W ostatniej części artykułu autor kontynuuje rozważania nad funkcjonowaniem organizacji niekomercyjnych w Republice Kazachstanu, omawiając formy wsparcia państwowego dla tego sektora. Rozprawę zamyka podsumowanie całego tematu i weryfikację postawionych we wstępie hipotez. ; Статья посвящена социальному участию граждан Казахстана, а также функционированию некоммерческих организаций, которые являются показателем социальной активности в этой стране. Представленный анализ является попыткой систематизации проблемы некоммерческих организаций в Казахстане с точки зрения польской науки. Проблема неправительственного сектора является чрезвычайно широкой областью исследований, поэтому были проанализированы основные правовые акты, регулирующие эти организации. Кроме того, третий сектор является важным элементом анализа деятельности постсоветских стран, для которых обычно характерна авторитарная система власти, пытающаяся обеспечить максимальный контроль над гражданскими инициативами. Оказывается, что несмотря на трудности, они могут функционировать независимо, что является главной тематикой этого текста. В первой части статьи автор вводит в правовую базу, которая была принята казахстанским законодателем в отношении гражданского общества и его организаций, в том числе прежде всего некоммерческих организаций, составляющих важную часть данной статьи. Следовательно, далее в работе правовые акты были в основном представлены в контексте этой концепции. Кроме того, была проанализирована деятельность, формы права и сферы деятельности этих организаций. Следующая часть текста касается нормативных актов, в которых поднимаются вопросы создания ассоциаций, а также последующие государственные концепции, предполагающие развитие гражданского общества. В последней части статьи автор продолжает размышление над функционированием некоммерческих организаций в Республике Казахстан, а также форм государственной поддержки этого сектора. Данный текст заканчивается кратким изложением всей темы и верификацией гипотез, изложенных во введении.

Immediately after the dicision of the Ambasador's Council of July 28, 1920,concerning the division of the Cieszyn Silesia, it became clear thet the said delimitation did not win the acceptance of any serious political forces in Poland. The Polish state's difficult international situation, however, made the Polish authorities abandon the idea of resolving the Zaolzie question by force. Fruitless negotiations were, at the same time, conducted to obtain the cossion of at least a part of the disputed territory in Poland's favour and various diplomatic interventions were undertaken to improve the situation of the Polish population inhabiting the Zaolzie Silesia. In spite of the low efficiency of such initiatives, in 1925 the political relation between Poland and Czechoslovakia were normalised and a liquidation agreement was signed, which led to a normalisation of mutual relations in the divided area. The actions of the Polish Republic in relation to the Zaolzie were influenced by various factors that were difficult to harmonise. One of them was the necessity to subjugate the Zaolzie question to the atate's general interests, which included an acceptance of the Versailles status quo, and attempts to find a platform of co-operation with Czechoslovakia in view of the growing German threat. Another factor was the desire to maintain the Polish national character of the Zaolzie motivated by the reluctance to give up that territory in an unequivocal way. The expectation of a cooperation with Czechoslovakia in the international context led to the policy of letting bygones be bygones. The democratic nature of the Chechoslovak state afforded a possibility of making the defence of the Polish national rights the responsibility of the Polish deputies in the parliament in Prague. The Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs tried then to persuade the leaders of the Polish community in the Zaolzie to assume a more activistic attitude. At the same time, the Polish Consul in Moravska Ostrava supported financially the institutions of the Polish national life nad tried to resist the assimilating policy of the Czech authorities. This tactics brought, up to a point, some results, but it did not prevent all attempts at an assimilation on the part of influential Czech organisations and bussiness circles, neither did it safeguard the conditions of the national life in the Zaolzie so as to obviate the need for the steady flow of the Polish financial aid without which the Polish educational and cultural institutions would not survive. In the late 1920s and early 1930s a rapprochement between Warsaw and Prague seemed to substantiate the hopes for a betterment of the situation of the Poles in the Zaolzie. In the wake of such hopes there appeared Polish-Czechoslovak societies and Czechoslovak-Polish clubs. These clubs reised high expectations in the consular centre in Moravska Ostrava, which hoped that they would help to break down the barriers between the Polish and Czech population and to obtain the support of influential Czech circles for the postulates of the Polish minority. The most committed members of the clubs (just like all, with no exceptions, Polish cosuits in Moravska Ostrava) were treated, however, with great suspicion and aversion by the Czech nationalist circles, as well as by the personalities representing the views of the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The most far-reaching initiative, that is the idea of calling a reconciliation conference concerning the matters of the Cieszyn Silesia in 1932, ended in a fiasco. Such factors as the way the 1930 sensus was carried out, the obvious deterioration of the living standards at the time of the Great Depression, and the attitude of the persons responsible for the Czech foreign policy who insisted on all Polish citizens leaving Czechoslovakia before "equitable" negotiations with Poland could begin, signalled the end of the period in which a positive and active conduct of the Polish population could seem an efficient antidote to the growing pressure for assimilation. The political events of 1933 changed the perception of the chances for a cooperation between Poland and Czechoslovakia, both of them being situated between Germany and the Soviet Union, which, in early 1934, made the representatives of the Polish Republic change their policy in the Zaolzie. From then, on the support of the Polish authorities and society for the Polish minority was emphasised, also a pressure was being exerted on the Czechoslovak government by means of an organised press campaign in Poland. The Czechoslovak government, however, did not yield under pressure, and assumed an intransigent attitude, taking this opportunity to get rid of a certain number of the Poles in the Zaolzie. The assimilation of the local Poles both of a natural kind and enforced by political and economic pressure seemed to the Czech authorities to be the best way to pacify this important borderline region. The tactics to which the Polish side resorted did not then lead to an improvement of the situation of the ethnic Poles in Czechoslovakia, it had, however, a different result, namely it aroused the national feelings and kindled the hopes for the Polish state's stronger support for the minority aspirations. In Poland, on the other hand, the internal situation in Poland's southern neighbour state, beginning with the elections of 1935, started to be looked at from the perspective of the apparently imminent crisis. In view of this, while the idea of an intensive propaganda camping was abandoned, the Czech policy in relation to the ethnic minorities was carefully watched, and the internal integration of the Polish community in the Zaolzie was strongly supported.

Zmiana instytucjonalna jest nieodłącznym procesem wpisującym się w rozwój społeczeństwa i gospodarki. Najistotniejszym procesem w ramach transformacji instytucji wydaje się dopasowywanie (się) instytucji formalnych i nieformalnych. Jest to niezbędne, aby system instytucjonalny działał sprawnie, aby generował odpowiednie bodźce na rzecz aktywności gospodarczej (niski koszt transakcyjny, przewidywalność, zaufanie). Efektem takich dostosowań jest ład instytucjonalny, który jest warunkiem trwałości rozwoju gospodarczego. Cechą instytucji jest długookresowe trwanie, choć jednocześnie odbywa się ich nieprzerwana ewolucja. Powstaje pytanie, w jaki sposób kształtuje się ład instytucjonalny, jaką rolę odgrywają w nim instytucje nieformalne. Za cel artykułu przyjęto określenie roli instytucji nieformalnych w kreowaniu ładu instytucjonalnego. Można wysunąć przypuszczenie, że instytucje nieformalne wraz z upływem czasu stają się trwałą podstawą ładu instytucjonalnego. W artykule wskazano również przejawy niesprawności systemu instytucji w Polsce, w tym instytucji nieformalnych. ; Institutional change is an integral process in the development of the society and economy. The seemingly most significant process in the transformation of institutions is the adjustment (also, mutual adjustment) of formal and informal institutions. This is critical to the proper functioning of the institutional system, so that it generates sufficient stimuli for economic activity (low transaction costs, predictability, trust). The result of such adjustments is institutional order which is a prerequisite of sustainable economic growth. One of the features of imitations is their longevity, even though they are constantly evolving. The question arises about how institutional order is formed and what the role of informal institution in this process is. The aim of the article is to determine the role of informal institutions in the formation of institutional order. It is possible that, given time, informal institutions become a solid foundation of institutional order. The article also indicates signs of irregularities in the institutional system in Poland, including in informal institutions. ; gruszad@gmail.com ; Uniwersytet w Białymstoku ; Aoki M., 2001, Toward a Comparative Institutional Analysis, MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, London ; Boettke P.J., Coyne Ch.J., Leeson P.T., 2008, Institutional stickiness and the New Development Economics, American Journal of Economics & Sociology, vol. 67, iss. 2 ; Bossak J.W., 2008, Instytucje, rynki i konkurencja we współczesnym świecie, SGH, Warszawa ; Casson M.C., Della Giusta M., Kambhampati U.S., 2010, Formal and informal institutions and development, World Development, vol. 38, no. 2 ; Chavance B., 2008, Formal and informal institutional change: the experience of postsocialist transformation, The European Journal of Comparative Economics, vol. 5, no. 1 ; Eggertsson T., 2006, On the survival of imperfect institutions, Revista de Análisis Económico, vol. 21, no. 2. ; Gardocka A., 2005, Kultura ekonomiczna jako instytucja, [w:] Teoretyczne aspekty gospodarowania, red. 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W roku 25-lecia przemian w wolności i demokracji chcę ogłosić: W Polsce zakończyła się właśnie transformacja systemowa! Dokonaliśmy gruntownych zmian, zmieniliśmy nawet epokę. Dlatego powinniśmy oficjalnie zamknąć okres transformacji i ogłosić czas państwa dojrzałej demokracji oraz okrzepłej gospodarki. Niech ten rok jubileuszowy będzie symboliczną cezurą pomiędzy etapem burzenia i budowania a etapem urządzania i rozwoju. Niech to będzie nowy złoty wiek Rzeczypospolitej! ; In the year of the 25th anniversary of the transformation of the political system and of the struggle for freedom and democracy in Poland I wish to announce the end of systemic change in our country! The transformation that we undertook and implemented has been thorough and radical, even epoch-making. Therefore, the time has now come to close the period of change officially and to present the Polish State as a mature democracy and with a fully-fledged economy. Let this jubilee year be a symbolic watershed between the previous phase of destruction and construction, and the current phase of establishment and development. Let it be from now on a golden age of the Republic of Poland!Today, twenty five years on, I would like us to look back at the road we have travelled and draw some conclusions; but first and foremost, I want us to look at the present and to look ahead to the future. From a historical perspective it must be recognised that we have achieved a lot in this time of transformation. There have been errors too, sometimes leading to injustice and social inequality. The overall outcome is nevertheless positive, even more so considering where and with what we started. I must admit that 25 year ago, the only wish I had was to open the door to freedom. I did not think what the first day after victory would bring. Maybe I was hoping our freedom would have drawers full of programmes. As it turned out later, we had to build everything from scratch. We were learning democracy and the free market at a practical level, and I must say we have succeeded quite well.Talking about transformations, the path to freedom, or the road we are taking now in a free Poland, we should not only recall the year 1989 and see it as the only cause of our present democracy and free market. The events of 1989 were important, but were neither the first nor the last element in the chain of events that had their origin much earlier. One cannot forget the dramatic events in Poznań in June 1956, December 1970 in Poland and other bids for freedom. These painful experiences instilled in us a strong conviction that the only way to follow was a wisely managed and peaceful struggle. This conviction was subsequently reinforced by the words of encouragement we received from Pope John Paul II and which we managed to turn into reality. These were the foundations on which both the Polish August of 80 and the Solidarity movement grew, not only as a trade union or a freedom movement, but as a philosophy underpinning our actions. This philosophy helped us to survive through the difficult times of the 1980s, a time whichshook the nation, and when Solidarity was greatly weakened. In 1988 and 1989 Solidarity had lost some of its momentum and no longer had the support of so many millions; yet it managed to bring us freedom when we eventually sat down at the Round Table. We achieved much more than the concessions won in the Round Table agreement foresaw – our prime minister in 1989 and our president elected in free elections in 1990 were the two elements that sealed the peaceful revolution. Therefore we must now, twenty five years later as we celebrate the Anniversary of 1989, remember every link in the chain of events that lead to freedom.I would like to see in this logic of the actual causes and effects, another phase of the historic battle for a better future, this time on a global scale. The first calls that Solidarity made for unity, consensus and collaboration in building a fair, safe and prosperous global world take on a particular dimension today, and the Polish experience of solidarity and dreams of freedom may now become a guideline for nations and peoples who in the contemporary world must still cope with enslavement and hopelessness, and here I mean, also our brother Ukrainians and many other nations. Further, it may also show the direction in which global civilisation should develop, and serve as lasting points of reference. This is what the world today lacks most. Neither we, as a civilisation, nor as a global world or individual nations, have so far been successful in identifying those values that would be universal for the whole of humanity, and to which we could refer irrespective of nationality, race or faith. Consequently, we stand helpless in the face of global crises or local conflicts, or even tend to forget that in this global world our neighbour's problems become our problems, too.What our civilisation needs is a catalogue of unquestionable values accepted by all, without exception, on which to build a world of peace and safety. It is important that we agree to build our world on universal values, among which I include solidarity as the foundation of social life in many areas: economy, work, global collaboration, social inequalities. Solidarity and wisely used freedom should be the values from which universal respect for human dignity, the freedom of speech and religion, or the right to justice and equality of opportunity should derive. And we must make sure that these rights are wisely and efficiently exercised in a spirit of solidarity, locally and globally.Let this Anniversary discussion on history be at the same time a call for a debate on the shape of the future. This is the responsibility of the generation of those who have fought for and won freedom, and those who now want to use it wisely. It is our common task to make sure that these historical and democratic achievements, and in particular the potential which we, Poles, still have, is not squandered. It is a task to make the best of the chance Poland has today to build a new golden age. We should also remember that historically it has been a very long time since Poland's geographical and political situation was so stable in terms of lasting security partnerships, economy and development, if it ever was. This is a foundation on which certainly much can be built today. And I shall always be there too, to welcome all who are interested and ready to join. Like twenty five years ago … Or even earlier.

In 2015 we celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the first free local elections to self-governing bodies. Those elections activated local citizens initiatives and greatly contributed to the transformation in our social awareness, leading to real change in Poland's political regime. The underlying rationale of free local elections, however, was the package of laws adopted on 8 March 1990 which created real self-government, enabled the elections to commune and municipality councils of 27 May 1990 and introduced a new dynamic to the process of the decentralisation of the state.Changes are always the result of dreams and our ability to realise them. It is possible to make them if there exist organisational structures and institutions which allow such changes to be made. The need for political transformation had long been felt and deliberated on by those involved in spatial development or and for whom the state monopoly status quo was unacceptable. To quote the late and much missed Professor Jerzy Regulski, the implementation of self-governance was departure from the monopoly of central government, which in turn meant an actual change in the political regime. The reform of 1990 broke up five monopolies of an authoritarian state which had existed in Poland since the end of the World War II: the political monopoly of one party, of centralised power, of uniform state ownership, of public finances and the state budget, and of the uniform public administration of the state.However, it must always be remembered that the possibility of realising dreams of a change in the nature of the state was shaped in the first triumphant stage of the Solidarity period in 1989, and later became a stable basis for the future in the resolution of the First National Congress of Solidarity Delegates and in the 'Samorządna Rzeczpospolita' (A Self-governing Republic) document. The success of the real change of 1990 was rooted in the long term determination and persistence of those whose personal experiences were involved in the quest for rationality in land management. Both Professor Jerzy Regulski and Professor Michał Kulesza drew their inspiration to change the political regime from the need to ensure that society worked in a way that would allow the local needs and initiatives be articulated, and inhabitants having the ability to take concrete decisions about the surrounding environment. In this way, the existing possibility of active involvement in local initiatives, incapable of being realised in the former political system, would become a reality and the citizens would be able to make collective decisions about their local area. This would also give a chance to oppose formally the investment logic resulting from the central planning of those times.The analytic work aimed at the transformation of the political regime that Professor Regulski started in the 1970s during his employment at the University of Lodz were subsequently continued at the Economic Institute of the Polish Academy of Sciences and led to the formation of a group of individuals for whom self-governance became a core value of the new regime and a way of looking at the modern state. The change that took place in 1990 was the beginning of the building of a de-centralised, modern state, the status of which was subsequently confirmed when Poland adopted the Council of Europe Framework Convention for the European Charter of Local Self-Government. Self-government is never an institution whose constitution is ever finished. This was shown during the reform carried out by Prime Minister Jerzy Buzek's government, which continued the break-up of the monopoly of power and implemented subsidiarity principles at the regional level enabling them to exercise powers locally, in newly created districts (powiat), as well as in the later legislative changes pertaining to the regulations governing the election of mayors (wójt or burmistrz) or the work of the Komisja Wspólna Rządu i Samorządu (Joint Committee of the Government and Self-Government). Today, after 25 years of our experience with self-government, we are much more aware of the changes needed in the self-governing system. They include the strengthening of actual independence of self-government achieved through the ensured free choice of the manner in which self-government bodies will carry out their tasks, guaranteed revenues and the possibility given to commune and municipality authorities of exercising real influence on their size, improved cooperation between communes and municipalities (gmina) and districts (powiat), and, fore and foremost, by ensuring all citizens a chance of co-decision on matters which directly affect them. Changes in the regime of self-governance are a consequence of its assessment by external, independent experts but are also motivated by the natural dynamics of the changes resulting from the very essence of self-governance and its institutions, communes and municipalities (gmina), districts (powiat) and regions (voivodships).In 2010 associations of self-governing units realised the need for change and amendments to the law on self-governance. Thus, they formulated a number of proposals which were included in a document called 'Requests to the President of the Republic of Poland to commence work on the white book of territorial self-government in the year of the 20th anniversary.' This document initiated work on a draft law which in 2013 became the subject of a legislative initiative put forward by President Bronisław Komorowski. The purpose of the new law on the collaboration of self-governing bodies in local and regional development is to strengthen the role of the citizen as well as the community in the work of self-government in Poland. The effort that Professors Jerzy Regulski and Michał Kulesza in their capacity as Advisors to President Komorowski put into the legislative work remains invaluable. It is believed that the involvement of individual citizens constitutes the strength of self-government and is a guarantee of its role at the service and in the interest of communities, individual inhabitants and businesses. Hence the need for enhanced collaboration and the partnership of different bodies of self-government and the increased involvement of citizens. There is draft law that contains regulations supporting these activities.Under the draft law, a local referendum is seen as an important tool to ensure the participation of citizens in decision-making processes, including those concerning local development plans. Local referenda should constitute a mechanism used to solve local issues of material importance to residents. Their result should be binding regardless of the turnout.Self-governance helps to create and strengthen the natural inclination of individuals to act together in areas where because of their social, business or cultural ties, a local community spirit develops. In today's world of global challenges and competition, we are looking for a space for the individual which provides a feeling of security. Another important value of self-governance is the possibility of creating affiliations with a community as well as individual entrepreneurship, social activity and a regard for the collective memory of the symbols of a place. The ability to participate in community life is inseparable from the functioning of democracy at a local level, with the consultation process, election of public officers, or participation in referenda.Self-governance is a special value which gives each of us a chance to exercise a real influence on local matters. It therefore occupies a very special place where politics has a personal dimension. The variety of self-governance means at the same time a variety of development policies since there are different communities, with different emotions, different experiences or ability to participate in democratic management. This variety is a special asset in the process of the stabilisation of the state as a whole. The diversity of opinions and experiences, appointments to public office of citizens not affiliated to or necessarily recommended by any party creates the solid foundations of a democratic state. This feeling of freedom within self-governing communities must be continued and promoted.The authors of many of the texts published in this issue of Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny devoted to self-governance are, at the same time, authors of the transformation of Polish law and Poland's administration in the last 25 years. Contributions submitted by, among others, Prof. dr hab. Irena Lipowicz, Prof. Jerzy Stępień, Prof. dr hab. Jerzy Buzek, Prof. dr hab. Leon Kieres or Prof. dr hab. Hanna Gronkiewicz-Waltz are the best proof of the capital importance that self-governance plays in a democratic state. I thank Professor Teresa Rabska and the editorial staff of Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny for their active involvement in questions of self-government from the very beginning. This issue is entirely devoted to a range of legal, economic and sociological aspects of new challenges facing self-government and its regime. Once again I thank them for such active involvement and participation in the jubilee celebrations of Self-Government and this special issue of the journal.We need self-governance not only to feel that we can influence decisions being made about local issues but also to be continually able to renew our confidence in institutions at a local level, and through their collaboration at the national level.

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