Dow Jones European Equities Report (Japanese Language)
Erscheinungsjahre: 2010-2013 (elektronisch)
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Erscheinungsjahre: 2010-2013 (elektronisch)
In: Kazoku shakaigaku kenkyū, Band 10, Heft 10-2, S. 3-5
ISSN: 1883-9290
In: Kazoku shakaigaku kenkyū, Band 10, Heft 10-2, S. 111-127
ISSN: 1883-9290
Traduction japonaise, original anglais disponible en ligne sur HAL-SHS. Remerciements à Matoba Hiroshi pour sa traduction. ; International audience ; This paper responds to two different contexts. The first one was the coming UK referendum and, whatever the result, the challenge for the EU to reinvent itself or dissolve if it continues failing European populations. The second context was a deep questioning in Japan, but also in South Korea, about the future of East Asia and of ASEAN: is a convergence possible beyond economic interactions? How to breach cultural divides? How to overcome the search for hegemony, deep historical hatred, in order to reach and establish a common ground? The paper analyzes the presupposition of the European construction from the beginning: a union can be negotiated and instituted by the construction of a joint or common economic sphere. This construction has always denied or even repressed the fact that the autonomization of the economic sphere is complex historical process different for each nation in Europe or in the rest of the world. So the economic sphere has different relations to politics, society, knowledge production and education, even religion, in each nation. The same can be said of the conception and practice of public opinion, the structure and role of the state, etc. A union based on the presupposition of a common economic sphere becomes unsustainable in time of crisis. No solution can be hoped from the minds of politicians and bureaucrats: they don't act at the level where solutions can be found. "Culture", like "market", does not touch the problems at stake. The only real solution is to produce and share knowledge on the differentiation in each case of politics, civil society, the economy, research and education, even religion in order to map the differences and the family ressemblance between the different national trajectories. This joint knowledge is the only common ground of a coherent and creative union in Europe. It is also true in other parts of the world where ...
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Traduction japonaise, original anglais disponible en ligne sur HAL-SHS. Remerciements à Matoba Hiroshi pour sa traduction. ; International audience ; This paper responds to two different contexts. The first one was the coming UK referendum and, whatever the result, the challenge for the EU to reinvent itself or dissolve if it continues failing European populations. The second context was a deep questioning in Japan, but also in South Korea, about the future of East Asia and of ASEAN: is a convergence possible beyond economic interactions? How to breach cultural divides? How to overcome the search for hegemony, deep historical hatred, in order to reach and establish a common ground? The paper analyzes the presupposition of the European construction from the beginning: a union can be negotiated and instituted by the construction of a joint or common economic sphere. This construction has always denied or even repressed the fact that the autonomization of the economic sphere is complex historical process different for each nation in Europe or in the rest of the world. So the economic sphere has different relations to politics, society, knowledge production and education, even religion, in each nation. The same can be said of the conception and practice of public opinion, the structure and role of the state, etc. A union based on the presupposition of a common economic sphere becomes unsustainable in time of crisis. No solution can be hoped from the minds of politicians and bureaucrats: they don't act at the level where solutions can be found. "Culture", like "market", does not touch the problems at stake. The only real solution is to produce and share knowledge on the differentiation in each case of politics, civil society, the economy, research and education, even religion in order to map the differences and the family ressemblance between the different national trajectories. This joint knowledge is the only common ground of a coherent and creative union in Europe. It is also true in other parts of the world where ...
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Traduction japonaise, original anglais disponible en ligne sur HAL-SHS. Remerciements à Matoba Hiroshi pour sa traduction. ; International audience ; This paper responds to two different contexts. The first one was the coming UK referendum and, whatever the result, the challenge for the EU to reinvent itself or dissolve if it continues failing European populations. The second context was a deep questioning in Japan, but also in South Korea, about the future of East Asia and of ASEAN: is a convergence possible beyond economic interactions? How to breach cultural divides? How to overcome the search for hegemony, deep historical hatred, in order to reach and establish a common ground? The paper analyzes the presupposition of the European construction from the beginning: a union can be negotiated and instituted by the construction of a joint or common economic sphere. This construction has always denied or even repressed the fact that the autonomization of the economic sphere is complex historical process different for each nation in Europe or in the rest of the world. So the economic sphere has different relations to politics, society, knowledge production and education, even religion, in each nation. The same can be said of the conception and practice of public opinion, the structure and role of the state, etc. A union based on the presupposition of a common economic sphere becomes unsustainable in time of crisis. No solution can be hoped from the minds of politicians and bureaucrats: they don't act at the level where solutions can be found. "Culture", like "market", does not touch the problems at stake. The only real solution is to produce and share knowledge on the differentiation in each case of politics, civil society, the economy, research and education, even religion in order to map the differences and the family ressemblance between the different national trajectories. This joint knowledge is the only common ground of a coherent and creative union in Europe. It is also true in other parts of the world where ...
BASE
Accounting for nearly 80% of the global population and occupying three quarters of the world' area, the developing countries are affirming their roles in the global progress. However, the independence and sovereignty of these countries are often faced with many challenges stemming from upheavals in the international security environment, globalization, violence policies of big countries and power competition among them. In this context, in order to preserve their independence and sovereignty, the developing countries need to build democratic and progressive states, improve their real national strengths, struggle against the "peaceful evolution" of the powerful nations. This paper analyzes factors which influence the independence and sovereignty as well as the current process of struggling and defending the independence and sovereignty of the developing countries ; Chiếm khoảng 80% dân số và ¾ diện tích toàn cầu, các nước đang phát triển đang khẳng định vai trò, vị thế của mình trong đời sống quốc tế. Tuy nhiên, độc lập, chủ quyền của các nước đang phát triển luôn đứng trước nhiều thách thức đến từ những biến động của môi trường an ninh quốc tế; chính sách cường quyền của các nước lớn; quá trình toàn cầu hóa; sự cạnh tranh quyền lực của các nước lớn. Trong bối cảnh đó, để giữ được độc lập, chủ quyền, các nước đang phát triển cần xây dựng một nhà nước dân chủ, tiến bộ; tăng cường thực lực quốc gia; đấu tranh chống "diễn biến hòa bình" của các nước lớn. Bài viết phân tích những nhân tố tác động đến độc lập, chủ quyền và quá trình đấu tranh bảo vệ độc lập, chủ quyền của các nước đang phát triển hiện nay.
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As of 2021, Europe is entering a new period in two respects. One is that the COVID-19 virus effect that has continued since 2020 has be controlled due to the vaccine program, and the world after COVID-19 has become visible. The other is that the rift between the United States and Europe, which emerged during the four-year U.S. Trump administration, is showing signs of healing with the birth of the U.S. Biden administration, and is able to produce a unity that regards China as a common enemy. Otherwise, there are still many unstable factors in the situation surrounding Europe. Regional powers such as Russia and Turkey, which had been the target of democratization support from Europe, have become more authoritarian, and instead, have intervened in Europe in various ways, threatening European values such as democracy and human rights. However, Europe's greatest threat is within not without. The possibility that the right wing will take power in major European countries cannot be ruled out, in which case the existence of the G7 and EU itself will be threatened. It is also a concern that the nature of European populism has changed from the former "politics to gain popularity" to a politics that controls and manipulates citizens.
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In: European History and Culture - Book Archive pre-2000
English translation of the marginalia, or marginal notes, that were added to the text of the Deshima Diaries from the 1670's onwards in order to provide the Dutch chief of Deshima with a quick reference to the notes of his predecessors. This volume covers the marginalia from the 1700-1740 diaries. Providing the general public, and especially those who have neither a command of Dutch nor of Japanese, access to a fascinating period of Japanese history in which the Dutch played such a singular role. At the same time, the serious scholar wil obtain an easy key to the extremely rich holdings of the archive of the Deshima trading factory, which covers a shelf length of more than forty meters in the National Archives in the Netherlands, but which has been only rarely utilized by historians, Japanologists or other scholars. The Deshima archives of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) were used originally as a corpus of knowledge and experience amassed over the years by generations of Company personnel. It was a source which was consulted by opperhoofden whenever they were in doubt about the right answer to exasperating questions or challenges posed by Japanese society in the form of shogunal decrees, orders by the governors of Nagasaki, and the stubborn demeanor by blackmailing and manipulative officials. Life at Deshima was so regulated and controlled both by workings of the Japanese bureaucracy and by the rhythms of the East India Company's seasonal trade with Japan, that keeping a dagregister or diary in which all the remarkable occurances were noted, assumed crucial importance. This in contrast to other VOC factories where the keeping of a diary, though obligatory, was often neglected. In the isolation of Deshima almost everything seen or heard was 'notable'. Skipping through the text one is also inevitably touched by the suffering inflicted on Japanese society by perennial scourges such as earthquakes, epidemics, 'that one general disease called poverty' and the fires which periodically destroyed large portions of the great cities. The present volume is a thoroughly revised edition, especially with regard to the Japanese personal and topographical names occurring in the text, of volumes III-IV of the Leiden edition. Scientific Publications of the Japan-Netherlands Institute No. 12. Published by the Japan-Netherlands Institute, Tokyo 1992 (original ISBN 4930921015)
In: Routledge library editions. Japan Volume 74
1. Historical context -- 2. The community -- 3. The household and married life -- 4. The mechanics of making a match -- 5. The union : ceremonial and celebration -- 6. Further ceremonial : some of the wider implications of marriage -- 7. Conclusion : the pivotal role of marriage.
We may dare to ask about rationale behind the recent devotion caused by Artificial Intelligence (AI). Whether it could be produced by the fear or, by contrast, it stems from the inner ignorance and uncertainty that blind us by attempting to give a quick explanation to a massive technological disruption directly caused by COVID19. AI is not a new phenomenon as such, despite the fact that what it could be new is the way AI is already interfering in citizens' daily life functions and services shaping them with a deep intensity as a result of the processing capacity of AI. Nonetheless, (i) little is known so far about the relationship between AI and governance, or what is worst, (ii) AI is being deployed without considering democratic accountability and far from our public eye and scrutiny. Acknowledging the complexity of such topic, this article constructively aims to analyse the ongoing technopolitical transformations occurring in the aftermath of the coronavirus crisis for the governance model of the Basque Country. This article is targeted to the political left (either Basque or Spanish nationalist) in pursuit of avoid delaying the work that should be implemented in response to questions, challenges, and policies for XXI. century algorithmic governance. The article concludes through three-intertwined-layer approach: (i) the first approach lists AI functional uses; (ii) the second approach presents brefly several AI projects being currently developed in different European countries; (iii) ultimately, a strategic roadmap lead to stakeholders in the Basque Country is outlined.
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The conflict over Kashmir has been a core issue between India and Pakistan since their independence. It is not only just a territorial conflict but also the core issue of the region, which has been changing along with the regional and international environment. In particular, after the 1990's, the people of Kashmir committed to armed resistance, which has become the focus of the risk to regional and international security because both India and Pakistan are nuclear powers. Resolution of this problem is quite difficult because it would require committing to the ideas of national integration of both countries. Specifically, for India, it is secularism; for Pakistan, it is the two-nation theory. However, the people of Kashmir want to choose their own destiny—integration with neither India nor Pakistan. India promised Kashmir a degree of freedom and democracy under article 370 of the Indian Constitution; however, for the time being, these right have been curtailed. To resolve this issue, two main plans have been presented by both countries; a referendum and the partition of Kashmir along the Line of Control. But, these ideas disregard the right of self-determination or the nationalist sentiment of the people of Kashmir. Recently a new idea emerged based on the notion of shared sovereignty. The history of discord between India and Pakistan has caused critical anxiety for regional peace and stability. However, there will is hope that a constructive solution to this problem can be found in the future through continuity of dialogue and negotiation between the two countries. We as an international society surrounding these nations, we should maintain a supportive stance for continued cordial dialogue.
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Historically, India and Myanmar are neighboring countries and have maintained a close and friendly relationship. This has led to their similarities in the social systems, cultures and religions. After Myanmar had gained its independence in 1948, India – Myanmar relationship was officially established and went through certain bad times till 1992. Since early 1990s, to adapt to the new global situation and thanks to India's "Look East" policy, the relationship between these two countries has gradually been improved and reinforced. The two countries are now not only neighbors but also friends and associates. This paper aims to clarify India – Myanmar diplomatic relationship and, accordingly, draws conclusive comments on this relationship in the post-Cold-War period. ; Về mặt lịch sử, Ấn Độ và Myanmar vốn là hai quốc gia láng giềng có các mối quan hệ gần gũi và thân thiện, có hệ thống xã hội, văn hóa và tôn giáo tương đồng. Quan hệ Ấn Độ - Myanmar được xem như chính thức bắt đầu ngay sau ngày Myanmar giành được độc lập (1948) và từ đó cho đến trước năm 1992, mối quan hệ giữa hai nước đã trải qua nhiều biến cố, thăng trầm. Từ đầu thập niên 1990, trong xu thế của bối cảnh quốc tế mới cùng với việc triển khai chính sách Hướng Đông của Ấn Độ, quan hệ hai nước đã từng bước được cải thiện, củng cố và tăng cường, qua đó đưa hai nước xích lại gần nhau như những người láng giềng thân thiện, bạn bè và đối tác. Bài viết dưới đây nhằm làm sáng tỏ quan hệ Ấn Độ - Myanmar trên lĩnh vực chính trị, qua đó rút ra một số nhận xét trong quan hệ chính trị hai nước thời kì sau Chiến tranh lạnh.
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Originally published in 2004, this is the second and final volume of manuscripts by or relating to Thomas Robert Malthus (1766–1834) that are now held at Kanto Gakuen University in Japan. Volume I, published in 1997, contains 75 items of correspondence. Volume II, now published, contains transcriptions of further original manuscripts, including: four of Malthus' sermons; his diary of a tour of the Lake District; an extensive set of calculations in the bullion trade, suggesting that he was giving serious thought to becoming a bullion trader on his own account; lecture notes on European history from the fifth to the tenth century; his wife's diary of their holiday in Scotland in 1826 and an essay on foreign trade. These previously unknown and unpublished manuscripts promise insights into his intellectual development and the events and circumstances of his life, as well as glimpses of the lifestyle of his wider family and contemporaries