Europeisk sikkerhetsintegrasjon: EUs felles sikkerhets- og forsvarspolitikk (CESDP)
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 59, Heft 2, S. 227-258
ISSN: 0020-577X
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In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 59, Heft 2, S. 227-258
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 59, Heft 3, S. 367-394
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 59, Heft 4, S. 473-508
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: EIPASCOPE: bulletin, Heft 2, S. 25-44
Der Autor ist der Präsident der Region Åland
World Affairs Online
In: Sprawy międzynarodowe, Band 51, Heft 4, S. 91-104
ISSN: 0038-853X
World Affairs Online
In: Politiikka: Valtiotieteellisen Yhdistyksen julkaisu, Band 43, Heft 4, S. 346-348
ISSN: 0032-3365
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 59, Heft 4, S. 525-560
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 59, Heft 3, S. 333-366
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Sprawy międzynarodowe, Band 51, Heft 4, S. 77-90
ISSN: 0038-853X
World Affairs Online
In: Sprawy międzynarodowe, Band 50, Heft 4, S. 5-24
ISSN: 0038-853X
World Affairs Online
In: Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift, Band 104, Heft 1, S. 29-52
ISSN: 0039-0747
Scandinavian countries differ with respect to dissolution powers. In Norway, it is not possible to call early elections, while Danish governments have an almost unrestricted right to dissolve parliament & the dissolution power has been quite frequently used. In Sweden, no early election has taken place after the new constitutions were implemented in 1975. Thus, in practice the dissolution power of Swedish governments are limited. This paper has three main purposes. First, I give an overview of constitutional rules regulating early election in 25 parliamentary countries. Second, I trace some of the effects of unlimited dissolution power in the hands of the minority as well as majority governments. Third, I deal with normative questions. Do convincing arguments support unrestricted dissolution power for parliamentary governments? 4 Tables, 3 Figures, 53 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Sprawy międzynarodowe, Heft 1, S. 41-62
ISSN: 0038-853X
World Affairs Online
In: Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift, Band 104, Heft 4, S. 349-369
ISSN: 0039-0747
In a famous article from 1959, David Easton claimed that political anthropology has nothing to tell a political scientist, since it does not treat the state as a separate sphere. To make such a claim, Easton had to assume stability in the distribution of functions between the Westphalian state & the co-existing society, similarity between European Westphalian states, & likeness between the European state & all other states in the world. Fifty years later it seems to be clear why Easton was mistaken, & why state comparisons that do not problematize the historical & sociological conditions of every single state formation have failed. If one wants to understand the state in the age of globalization, the point of departure must be to ask how the relationship between state & society continuously changes, not if it does. As Easton points out, this is exactly what political anthropology mainly has focused on. The article gives an overview of how this has been done, from Lewis Henry Morgan to James C. Scott. It calls on political scientists to study the state empirically to a higher degree, as an endogenous part of the analysis or a dependent variable, rather than treating it as either a given starting point, an exogenous part of the analysis, or an independent variable. 44 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Dialog: deutsch-polnisches Magazin, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 52-54
ISSN: 0938-1422
World Affairs Online
In: Sprawy międzynarodowe, Band 51, Heft 4, S. 47-60
ISSN: 0038-853X
World Affairs Online