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This paper examines the recruitment and retention activities implemented by worker unionsin companies. With the purpose of revealing the process of recruitment and retention of members, qualitative method with case study approach was employed to the Pengurus Unit Kerja (PUK) under Federasi Serikat Pekerja Tekstil, Sandang, Kulit Serikat Pekerja Seluruh Indonesia (FSP TSK SPSI) in Surabaya.This paper reveals practices of recruitment and retention done by leader of PUKs and employers' attitude perceived by the leader of PUKs and other affecting factor of PUKs relevant to recruitment and retention activities. This paper benefits for the other subsequent relevant researches as diverse findings concerning methods, environment, and resulting in recruiting and retenting done by leaders of PUKs. This will also help union leaders, employer, employee relations researchers, and government in doing their activities pertinent to the relevant roles and duties. Moreover, the implementation of recruitment and retention process in PUKs is valuable for the development of the discipline of human resource management.

Amerikanske presidenters balansering melloni ulike liberale verdier basert pa enten involvering eller beherskelse har store implikasjoner for utformingen av utenrikspolitikken. I denne artikkelen viser jeg, gjennom tekstanalytiske metoder, hvordan amerikanske presidenter vektlegger de to tradisjonene 'tilbakeholden' og 'ekspansiv' liberalisme i sine State of the Union-taler. Tilnaermingen er todelt: forst kartlegger jeg synet pa utenrikspolitikk gjennom innholdsanalyse. Deretter brakes ideanalyse for a vise hvilke av de to liberalismetypene seks av presidentene artikulerer. Funnene indikerer at det har skjedd en dreining fra en balansert tilnaerming mot mer overvekt pa ekspansive ideer. Denne dreiningen knyttes opp mot de kollektive tradisjonene forst skissert i Monroe-doktrinen og i 'Roosevelt corollary' Presidents' balance between liberal values based on imposition and restraint have major implications for foreign policy outcomes. In this article, I use text analytical tools to show how American presidents weigh Liberalism of Imposition and Liberalism of Restraint differently in State of the Union speeches. I use content analysis to map the focus on foreign policy and, based on a coding scheme, ideational analysis to assess which of the liberal traditions are more vocal in six of the speeches. Findings indicate that a shift has occurred from a balanced approach to more imposition-based ideas. Furthermore, I argue that these ideas can be traced back to the collective traditions drawn in the Monroe doctrine and Roosevelt corollary. Adapted from the source document.

Etter at Tyrkia i 1999 fikk status som sokerland til EU og forhandlinger om medlemskap startet i 2005, har tyrkerne lovet a imotekomme EU-krav om demokratisering av landet og en losning av det 'kurdiske problemei'. En demokratiseringsprosess forutsetter imidlertid kritiske og frie medier. Men bade Tyrkias vestlige allierte og folk flest i landet er bekymret for dagens situasjon, der journalister, forfattere og folkevalgte politikere fengsles for sine ytringer som av myndighetene er oppfattet som formidling av propaganda som kommer den kurdiske frigjoringsbevegelse (PKK) til gode. Basert pa intervjuer med personer med ekspertkunnskap fra Tyrkia og et utvalg av avisartikler og kommentarer fra tyrkiske papiraviser, utforskes det hvordan tyrkiske medier styres i forhold til det kurdiske opproret i Tyrkia, samt hvorvidt det regierende Rettferdighets-og utviklingsparti (AKP) kan bidra til a demokratisere landet. Analysen viser at under Erdogan og hans AKP har medienes handlingsrom med hensyn til kurderkonflikten, og for orvrig ogsa generelt, ikke blitt saerlig bedre enn under hans forgjengere When Turkey was granted candidate status to EU membership in 1999 and negotiations started in 2005, hopes were high that the country would meet EU requirements for democratization and that a solution would be found to the so-called 'Kurdish problem'. However, a democratization process implies a critical and free media. Turkey's citizens and Western allies are now following recent developments with concern. Journalists, writers and elected politicians have been imprisoned for their work, some held on terror-related charges or propaganda and others for allegedly participating in antigovernment plots. With this as a backdrop, to what extent is Erdogan and his ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) democratizing the country? My aim in this article is to answer the question and explore the extent to which media censorship and control is occurring, in particular regarding Kurdish insurgency in Turkey. I make use of primary and secondary data, including interviews with media experts in Turkey and a selection of newspaper articles from six Turkish newspapers. The Turkish government already exercises a tight hand over Turkey's traditional media, yet, as the analysis reveals, under Erdogan the government controls of freedom of expression and press (in particular concerning the Kurdish conflict) are tightening further. Adapted from the source document.

2014 marked important milestones for Afghanistan. It gained a new political leadership by a democratic election, the NATO International Stabilisation Force (ISAF) was withdrawn, and the country took the initiative to a wider and more trusting cooperation with its neighbor Pakistan (RFE/RL 2014). 2015 is a crucial year. We will get an indication of whether Afghanistan can stand on its own and if the (partial) military extraction was wise, and to what extent the new administration is viable. Adapted from the source document.

Global climate change and its associated risks are serious issues for almost all countries in the world. There are many growing evidences of a shift in climate patterns with flow on effects for established environmental, economic and social structures and systems. Governments around the world have embarked on programs designed to cut greenhouse gas emissions that Juel climate change, but momentum for shifts in climate patterns is already established. Therefore, it is important for governments and private decision makers to begin planning for its potential consequences, as a complement to current mitigation action aimed at slowing its progress. Indonesia is the 4th largest greenhouse gas (GHG) emitter globally, and is now leading the way as one of the first non-Annex I countries to make a significant voluntary commitment to cut its national greenhouse gas emissions by 26% (unilaterally) and 41% (with support.from the international community) by 2020. Indonesia's commitment to climate change action has been increasingly evident since 2007, when the country hosted the UNFCCC 13th Conference of the Parties in Bali and a high level meeting of Finance Ministers.

In the 1970s,Indonesiais one of thepoorest countries inAsia. In 1976, 54million people in Indonesia(40% of the population) belong to the categoryof poor. In1980-1990anperiodis a period ofhigh economic growth. High economicgrowthis closely linkedwithpoverty reductiondrasticallywhere the numberof poor peoplefell by almost50% from40millionto 22million peoplein 1981s/d1996.In the year2010 the numberof poor peopleamounted to31.02 million people, or about 13:33% andthe poverty ratein March2009 amounted to32.53million, or about 14:15% (BPS). LastBPS dataperSeptember 2013shows that there are28.59millionor11.66% ofthe totalpopulationinIndonesia.PovertyinIndonesia hasdecreasedsignificantlysincethe reformera. Acceleration ofpoverty reductionprogramsinIndonesiais donewithgoodsynergywork programsatnational and local levels. Poverty reduction programscurrently dividedinseveralclusters: Cluster(1) Direct AidSociety(BLM). Thisclusterincludes theSchool Operational Assistance(BOS), Community Health Insurance(Assurance), Ricefor the Poor(Raskin), Family Hope Program(PKH). Cluster1goalistoreducepovertyandimprove thequality ofhuman resources, especiallythe poor.Cluster (2) is the national community empowerment Program (PNPM) independently. The purpose of PNPM Mandiri is to increase prosperity and employment opportunities of the poor independently. Cluster (3) people's business credit (KUR) is a people's business credit is given to the poor without collateral to the community a certain amount. Purpose to provide and strengthening economic access for businessmen of small and micro-scale. An important aspect in strengthening is giving them freely to access of the poor to be able to try and improve the quality of life.In 2011 the Government carry out a Cluster of clusters of four. This Cluster includes: (1) the provision of the House very cheap, (2) a cheap public transport Vehicles, (3) clean water to the people, (4) enhancement of Life for fishermen, (5) improvement of Urban Edge Community Life. The 4 Cluster in the framework of poverty reduction and the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), so the expected goal of the Millennium Development Goals (the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015 is reached. As it known that the millennium development goals (the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) is an attempt to meet the basic needs of the rights of man through a joint commitment between the 189 UN Member States to implement the 8 (eight) Millennium development goals, namely (1) tackling poverty and hunger, (2) achieve primary education for all, (3) encourage gender equality and the empowerment of women, (4) reduce child mortality, (5) improve maternal health, (6) fight against spread of HIVAIDS, malaria and other contagious diseases, (7) Living and Sustainability (8) global partnership in development. Eight of these targets as measurable goals for a single package of development and poverty reduction.In September 2000, the United Nations Millennium Summit, where world leaders agreed on eight development goals that are specific and measurable global called the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The first seven goals focus on eradication of extreme poverty and hunger, achieve universal primary education, promoting gender equality and empowering women, reducing child mortality; In September 2000, the United Nations improve maternal health, combat HIV-AIDS, malaria and other diseases, and ensuring environmental sustainability. Whereas the eighth goal calls for the establishment of a global partnership for development, with targets for aid, trade and debt relief.However approach the year 2015, global world will experience the transformation of the global development of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) into Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The shifting of the MDGs to the SDGs doesn't mean the goal contained in the MDGs fail is reached. Quite the contrary, many world records that reveal the success in various countries, there is a remarkable improvement experienced by the poor countries in the ranking of HDI (human development index) the lowest. In the last 40 years, the State- countries that are in the lowest rank of 25 percent experienced improved HDI to 82. The IMF report in the 2013 Global Monitoring Report also explain the positive trend in the achievement of the MDGs. reduction of half of the world's poor population, reduction of half of the population without access to clean water, the Elimination of gender inequality in primary education in 2015, and the improvement of life in a hundred million slums by 2020 was reached more quickly, i.e. in 2010. ADB, a number of countries in Asia also experienced progress in achieving the millennium development goals. The number of poor population has decreased significantly in Malaysia, Viet Nam and China. In Thailand and Malaysia, long-term policies to overcome poverty coupled with their concern for the environment has made the countries that are in the lowest rank of 25 percent experienced improved HDI to 82. The IMF report, these countries are on a sustainable growth path. But not so the case with Indonesia, a country with a diversity of biodiversity in forests is raining but the risorsis contained therein are not managed sustainably and fairly.Programme of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) will be forwarded to Suistanable Development Goals (SDGs). The MDGs will expire in 2015, but until now there has been no final draft which will forward the MDGs program. to that end, scientists and many quarters trying to deepen the concept of SDGs as successor to the MDGs. Keywords: Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), primary education, maternal health, clean water.

Budgeting for a state or a country seems to be the most important part to handle administration and government policy in term of socio economic reason. In practice, a lot of government tends to subscribe a balance budget whereby it is striving to balance between revenues and expenditures accurately. Unfortunately, this balancing post uses a debt and foreign aid charged by interest to cover any shortage in revenues. In the real context, the budget deficit management based on debt is still controversial and considered inappropriate with developing country conditions which their economies are unstable and fluctuated. Unfortunately, many countries in the world including Muslim-populated countries subscribe budget deficit system whereby the sources of its fund are backed up by debt. The focus of this paper is to analyze two main sensitive issues of the Indonesian economy in the light of Maqasid Al Shariah. This study employs a method of literature review and combined with data analysis. Actually, Islam has a very rich literature legacy in administrating public sector economy and it becomes important theory and framework as a stance or point of view to analyze the prevailing system. The high interest rate payment is the main issue of public sector expenditure. Indonesian government seems no choices to resolve its public sector economy and relies too much on debt management. For social welfare expenditure there has been a misallocation in emphasizing budget expenditure whereby oil and petroleum subsidy consume almost majority of the total welfare expenditure in Indonesian public sector economy

International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), which consists of military forces from more than 40 NATO and non-NATO countries, is now officially history. In combination with the Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF), the international intervention in Afghanistan has been one of the most lengthy operations in modern times. Such overwhelming effort requires reflection and evaluation. What have we learned from being part of this intervention? In this focus article I will go into one of the most important and demanding elements of this intervention - the civil-military space. The civil-military interaction played a significant role and received much attention, theoretical and practical. The question was about how various actors can contribute to a successful, holistic effort. I should say something about the term 'civil-military coordination' which focuses on the relationship between different actors, and then look into the Norwegian approach to civil-military relations. I would argue that the Norwegian approach was based on important principles, but could appear as immature and inflexible. I justify my claim by lifting some challenges and contradictions that have emerged, either because of - or despite - the introduction of the model. The newly appointed Afghan committee will give us considerable insight and several lessons and will be useful in future policies and practices. Already, however, two things for sure; firstly, that we will be asked to contribute in future military operations without being able to predict what these will contain (we have other words prepare us for many different contingencies). Secondly, under virtually all military operations be civilians present, with greater or lesser degree of contact between them. This civil-military dynamics often understood within the concept of civil-military cooperation (Rietje & Bollen 2008; Hoogensen Gjorv 2014 Hoogensen Gjorv & Gjorv 2014). Adapted from the source document.

I'm standing outside a store in Meymaneh. It is May 2011. A few weeks before, the Norwegian UN employee Siri Skaare and several of her colleagues were brutally murdered when a mob attacked the UN camp in the neighboring city of Mazar-i-Sharif. Therefore, almost all foreigners left Maymaneh. There is a heavy atmosphere in the city. But we are considering the security situation to mean that it is safe to move around the town and are therefore out shopping. Along with some of my female colleagues, duly wrapped into large shawl covering all hair, we visited one carpet shop. But after 40 minutes of intense shopping, I take a break from all the bargaining and go out to look at life. A little boy standing outside. He is traditionally dressed, has a working scars shreds in your hands, around 12-14 years and smiles broadly at me. I smile back, and gets a little surprised when he says: 'How are you?' In good English. We are standing and chat. A piece out of the conversation he said: 'I feel so sorry for you, sir.' Hmm - I think. Seems this poor lad in one of the toughest countries sorry for me? 'Why?' I ask. 'Because you are going to hell.' What? - I'll go to hell? 'Why?' I ask again. 'Because you cannot control your women.' My surprise is great, and it gets bigger. During the conversation it emerges that this young boy seems genuinely sorry for me because my female colleagues, which he describes as my women, cannot be controlled because they are not wearing the traditional burqa. It is my responsibility to check them and make sure they are morally properly dressed, and since I cannot fix it, it's me Allah will judge the torments of hell, he argues. I cannot refrain from attempting to persuade the boy that there is an alternative thinking about women and their ability to make independent choices. But I fail - and we part as enemies. Adapted from the source document.