The objective of this paper is to show the geopolitical dimension of the TSI from a French point of view. The author presents the TSI implementation process, characterises Poland's rivalry with Germany and Russia in a historical context, emphasizes the important role of Germany in the entire project, and reviews Russia's attitude towards the region. The article includes numerous maps made by the author.
The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union is one of the main challenges for the continued functioning of the European judicial area in criminal matters. In this article, special attention will be paid to selected aspects of ensuring further judicial cooperation in criminal matters after Brexit. This primarily concerns the possibility of further participation of the United Kingdom in specific organs supporting this cooperation (Eurojust and Europol) and the the application of legal instruments implementing the principle of mutual recognition of judgments, with reference to the flagship legal instrument, i.e. the European arrest warrant. It also presents a unique position of the United Kingdom in the Area of Freedom Security and Justice EU, which that state is guaranteed under the provisions of Treaties.
The article presents the analysis of activities of politicians associated with the Labour Party undertaken in favour of leaving the European Union by the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in the context of the June 2016 referendum campaign. There are presented the historical roots of the critique of European Communities drawn from this ideological-political perspective (the opposition towards the European Economic Community in 1975 referendum), but above all the argumentation used more than four decades later by the opponents of staying in the EU. On the basis of conducted analysis, the specific elements of the main ideological poles that shape left-wing critique of the EU with regard to the British example have been distinguished.
The aim of the article is to investigate a cooperation between the Members of the European Parliament in the European Conservatives and Reformist Group. ECR Group was formed in the European Parliament in 2009 and the biggest parties in ECR are the British Conservative Party and Polish Law and Justice. United Kingdom will leave the European Union and the question is whether the ECR group is enough institutionalised to survive after Brexit? The Author of the article uses the analysis of the scholar literature, reports and ECR's political programs, and tries to find answers to the following research questions: how did the conservative parties cooperate within the ECR? What is the internal structure of the ECR group? What positions were held by ECR in the European Parliament?
The principle of equal electoral opportunities is implemented, inter alia, by allocating free airtime to political entities. In Poland, like in many other countries, the authorized committees have the right to use the public media's airtime free of charge during election campaigns. The present article's objective is to show the Polish solutions in this domain compared with the regulations in other countries and to present the research results and their analysis concerning Poles' attitude to free election broadcasts – including their assessment of the broadcasts as a source of knowledge about candidates and parties taking part in the election campaign. The studies were carried out based on the survey questionnaire, which was compiled using the five-level Likert scale. The sample was selected by the stratifiedquota method (N = 971). The conclusions resulting from the survey suggest the need to retain the regulation that enables political entities in Poland to use free election broadcasts during election campaigns. At the same time, they point out that it is necessary to seek more advantageous forms and content to put airtime to appropriate use during the campaign period.
Article describes Welsh authorities attempt to enhance their political position (achieved as a result of the devolution reform) as some sort of compensation for the Brexit negative impact on economic and social development of the region. The conception created by Carwyn Jones' Government could not been presented as an alternative to focusing autonomous processes on gaining independence, because of Welsh people lack of interest of the latter solution. As an effect it has been completely ignored by the national authorities. Inability to implement the Scottish model of political emancipation (in the context of step-by-step exception of the European Union regional policy mechanisms in the United Kingdom) has become a factor stimulating real re-Britisation of Wales process
The article discusses the problem of the reform of the system of the protection of personal data in the context of changes, new tasks and challenges faced by the European data protection authorities, in particular the European Data Protection Supervisor, Article 29 Working Group or the national supervisory authorities. The proposals of regulations and directives submitted in recent years by the European Commission related to data protection in general, as well as the specific rules governing the functioning of the EU agencies involved in the fight against crime clearly show that the proposed changes are intended to increase the role of these bodies at both the E. U. and the national level by ensuring a more effective implementation of the new rules. The planned strengthening of the relationship between the national authorities as well as the coordination of their activities also aims to meet this objective.
Multi-level governance is now an established field of public policy research. In this context there is a need to introduce two new concepts: substantiation of public policy goals and multi- level coordination of public policy goals. In the study based on this assumption a qualitative approach is used. Usefulness of these two concepts was proved by participatory action policy research on one specific goal substantiated and coordinated within Europe 2020 Strategy in the policy area of poverty. In the course of the research (2012-2015) the author was a representative of the network of social NGOs in the governmental body responsible for implementation of the Europe 2020 Strategy in Poland. The main action research tool was an attempt to modify the goal of poverty reduction decided by the government in 2011. In that process rich data was generated, analyzed, interpreted and used for subsequent actions. The effect of the research is a deep insight and understanding of multi-level governance process in a specific policy area and a proposal for two new concepts. Emerging new research areas were proposed and discussed.
This paper presents a quantitative and qualitative measurement of the components of Europeanisation ad extra in the EU civilian mission in Bosnia and Hercegovina from 2003-2012. The study aims to show that Europeanisation ad extra affects third countries to a certain extent and it is thus a form of exporting the European organisational, normative, and axiological model. The exploration relates to a completed civil mission. For the needs of this study, the Author generated two basic indicators; one quantitative and one qualitative, and used them as tools for synthesising and categorising the studied area, based on the assumption that, in this way, it will be possible to measure the intensity of the Europeanisation process in the external trajectory (ad extra). The analysis of the quantitative and qualitative indices shows the number of activities in the area of security carried out in the framework of the civilian missions in question. As evidenced by these indicators, the export of European norms, values, solutions, and practices is more likely to succeed for the Balkans than for other continents where EU civilian missions are deployed. Measurement of the Europeanisation ad extra, taking the example of Bosnia and Hercegovina, proves that in its expeditionary policy, the European Union has a significant impact on third countries through transferring European standards in various areas of security such as social or axiological.
At the end of the second decade of the 21st century the European Union (EU) – presenting a new strategy of enlargement policy, organising an official summit of the state leaders and devoting to potential accessions the meeting of the Council of the EU – recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. Therefore, there is a reasonable question: whether the intensification of the EU's enlargement policy will affect favourably Bosnia and Herzegovina, a state considered as a potential candidate for the membership since 2003? Basing on (inter alia) official documents issued by the EU institutions, macroeconomic data and in relation to the EU's policy towards the Western Balkans region, it is worthwhile to suppose, that – despite numerous (political, economic, social) deficits and weaknesses – Bosnia and Herzegovina, which applied for membership in the EU in 2016, will receive the status of an official candidate country soon (in the thir d decade of the 21st c entury).
The article is devoted to the analysis of relations between Belarus and the European Union within the framework of the Eastern Partnership programme. For Belarus, the Eastern Partnership is one of the important channels of communication with the European Union. In 2009–2013, Belarus' relations with the European Union were complicated and the country actually minimized its participation in the Eastern Partnership. However, from 2013 onwards, Belarus and the European Union have intensified their cooperation within the framework of various initiatives of the Eastern Partnership. In Belarus, the European Union has implemented several programmes on politics, economics, energy efficiency and mobility, which have served to further deepen relations with Belarus. Programmes implemented in the field of economy were aimed at developing enterprises in various sectors and supporting entrepreneurial initiatives of Belarusian residents. Programmes on energy efficiency contributed to the implementation of EU standards and the improvement of the environmental situation in Belarus. Initiatives in the field of mobility of Belarusians served the purpose of exchanging experiences and acquiring new skills by various target groups. The implemented Eastern Partnership programmes had a certain impact on the rapprochement of Belarus and served to introduce new rules in the EU member states. Further development of relations within the Eastern Partnership depends on the foreign policy of both Belarus and the European Union.
The economic relations of the European Union (EU) with the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries are diverse in terms of their formal basis, scope and size. All EaP countries were already covered by the Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) in 1993/1994 and some by the additional GSP+ scheme in 2005, and bilateral Partnership and Cooperation Agreements (with the exception of Belarus) in 1998–1999, replaced in 2016–2018 by an Association Agreement with a DCFTA for Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, and in Armenia by a comprehensive and strengthened Partnership Agreement. However, the analysis of trade flows between 2007 and 2017 did not reveal a clear link between the volume of trade and the type of agreement governing economic relations. Although for most Eastern Partnership countries, the EU is the most important export market (except for Belarus) and the most important supplier (except for Armenia and Belarus), for the EU as a whole, the EaP countries remain second and third tier partners.
Russia's aggression against Ukraine in February 2022 caused Europe's largest influx of war refugees to the European Union after World War II. This is unprecedented in many aspects, covering primarily the Central and Eastern Europe, which historically have been countries of emigration rather than migration. Against this background, grassroots initiatives and civic actions taken in Poland, local government bodies, state authorities, as well as the Catholic Church are considered. The key challenges and problems in supporting migrants from Ukraine are interpreted in terms of the theory of resource mobilization and the concept of "new social movements".
The aim of the paper is to analyze how Europeanization is used as an instrument of the European Union's foreign policy in the field of promoting democracy in the world. This fi rst requires an indication that all EU activities, including its relations with the international environment, are based on specific normative foundations. They include the so-called European values regarding, generally speaking, the promotion of democracy and broadly understood human rights, as well as strengthening peace in international relations. "European values" are not only political and ideological guidelines, but also legal norms enshrined in EU treaties, so the promotion of democracy is one of the basic goals of the EU's foreign policy. Analysis of the EU's promotion of democracy requires the presentation of the main categories used to study this issue, i.e. showing what is understood by Europeanization, as well as by the associated concepts of democratization and socialization. Then mechanisms of europeanization are examined, as well as its results and evaluation of its effectiveness is provided. In this respect the case study is very helpful, in that it examines the results of Europeanization in relation to the EU partner countries covered by the Eastern Partnership. The paper ends with fi nal remarks constituting a summary of the studied issues.
