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In a relatively short time the Internet has become one of the main and the most important media of our times. The increasing number of users, as well as the growth of its role and importance in almost every aspect of social and economic life have led in recent years to the intensification of the discussion on the future of the Internet and the way it should be governed. From the very beginning the Internet developed bottom-up without a decision-making center responsible for its development. There are many organizations in the world operating at local, regional and global levels, that focus on different aspects of its operation and development. This process called "Internet governance" is the process within which governments, information and communication technology (ICT) companies and civil society work together to set standards, values, norms and decisions that shape the way we use the World Wide Web. This article attempts to explain this phenomenon, shows the origins of the dispute between the supporters of the multistakeholder model of the Internet governance. It also presents the proposals of some states to strengthen the role of governments in this process and presents the position of the European Union, which in this discussion may play a key role as a mediator in the debate about the future of the Internet governance. ; Internet w stosunkowo krótkim czasie stał się jednym z głównych i najistotniejszych mediów naszych czasów. Wzrastająca liczba jego użytkowników, jak również wzrost jego roli i znaczenia w niemalże każdym aspekcie życia społeczno-gospodarczego spowodowały w ostatnich latach nasilenie się dyskusji na temat przyszłości internetu i sposobu w jaki powinien być zarządzany. Internet od samego początku rozwijał się oddolnie bez centralnego ośrodka decyzyjnego. Na świecie funkcjonuje wiele organizacji działających na poziomie lokalnym, regionalnym i globalnym, które skupiają się na różnych aspektach jego działania i rozwoju. Proces nazywany "zarządzanie Internetem" (Internet Governance), to proces, w którym rządy, przedsiębiorstwa z branży technologii informacyjnych i komunikacyjnych oraz społeczeństwo obywatelskie wspólnie wypracowują standardy, wartości, normy i decyzje, które kształtują sposób, w jaki użytkowana jest sieć. Niniejszy artykuł podejmuje próbę wyjaśnienia tego zjawiska, przedstawia genezę sporu pomiędzy zwolennikami wielostronnego modelu zarządzania internetem oraz państwami postulującymi wzmocnienie roli rządów w tym procesie oraz prezentuje stanowisko Unii Europejskiej, która może w tej dyskusji odegrać kluczową rolę stając się mediatorem w debacie o przyszłym modelu zarządzania internetem.

Peacekeeping operations are nowadays an important phenomenon in international relations and especially in conflict-ridden regions. The concept and framework of such operations has been constantly evolving in the past and one of the milestones of this evolution was the fall of the communist system and the end of the cold war. In Europe, this historic moment coincided with establishment by the Maastricht Treaty of the new organism within the process of western Europe's integration: the European Union. Both these facts triggered a reaction of the somewhat passive and hardly visible European defence organisation of the Western European Union. Its Petersberg Declaration of 1992 redefined security and sought to change peace obligations of the member states of WEU, as they accepted a broader responsibility and a broader concept of security in the European region. This was an important first step in making defence integration a part of the mainstream integration process. On the legal basis of the Petersberg Declaration, six operations were carried out. The paper discusses them, showing striking similarities, which actually comprise a special philosophy of intervention by WEU. This philosophy reflects both strengths and weaknesses of WEU's role in the European integration.

Peacekeeping operations are nowadays an important phenomenon in international relations and especially in conflict-ridden regions. The concept and framework of such operations has been constantly evolving in the past and one of the milestones of this evolution was the fall of the communist system and the end of the cold war. In Europe, this historic moment coincided with establishment by the Maastricht Treaty of the new organism within the process of western Europe's integration: the European Union. Both these facts triggered a reaction of the somewhat passive and hardly visible European defence organisation of the Western European Union. Its Petersberg Declaration of 1992 redefined security and sought to change peace obligations of the member states of WEU, as they accepted a broader responsibility and a broader concept of security in the European region. This was an important first step in making defence integration a part of the mainstream integration process. On the legal basis of the Petersberg Declaration, six operations were carried out. The paper discusses them, showing striking similarities, which actually comprise a special philosophy of intervention by WEU. This philosophy reflects both strengths and weaknesses of WEU's role in the European integration.

Ensuring internal security is one of the core objectives of European integration in thecontext of the establishment of an area of freedom, security and justice of the EuropeanUnion (E.U.). The aim of the internal security policy of the E.U. is to support MemberStates with regard to the maintenance of law and order and the safeguarding of internalsecurity. In the last 20 years in the area of internal security of the E.U. many importantinitiatives, political agendas and legal instruments at the E.U. level have arisen. Thisarticle aims to show the development of the internal security policy of the E.U., its mostimportant guidelines and the challenges in the coming years. ; Zapewnienie bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego jest jednym z podstawowych celów integracjieuropejskiej w kontekście tworzenia na terytorium Unii Europejskiej przestrzeni wolności, bezpieczeństwa i sprawiedliwości. Celem polityki bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznegoUE jest wspieranie państw członkowskich w zakresie utrzymania porządku publicznegoi ochrony bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego. W ostatnich 20 latach w obszarze bezpieczeństwawewnętrznego UE odnotowano duże zmiany, zrodziło się wiele inicjatyw, programówpolitycznych oraz instrumentów prawnych na szczeblu Unii. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie rozwoju polityki bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego UE, jej najważniejszych założeńi wyzwań na nadchodzące lata.

The last decade has been a period of accelerated integration in Europe. A tangible manifestation of this was the biggest ever enlargement of the EU in 2004 and its next enlargement in 2007. Therefore the aim of this study is a formalized empirical evaluation of the phenomenon of integration in case of EU countries in the sphere of economic institutional order in the first decade of the twentieth century. Due to the fact that institutional systems should be treated as a multidimensional phenomena, in this study generally recognized taxonomic tools were used - a hierarchical classification method, which allowed to obtain some homogeneous subsets of countries classified on the base of institutional system similarities in each year. The study was based on annual data from the period 2000-2008 for 27 countries that are members of the EU. It allowed to capture a period of four years before and four years after the biggest enlargement of the EU. The main research problem of this study amounted to the question: whether in the analyzed period can one speak about the process of growing similarities in the sphere of institutional order in case of so called old and new EU member states? The study confirms existence of integration processes in relation to economic governance and institutional order. ; Ostatnie dziesięciolecie było okresem przyspieszonej integracji w Europie. Za namacalny przejaw tego zjawiska należy uznać największe dotychczasowe rozszerzenie UE w 2004 oraz kolejne rozszerzenie z 2007 r. W związku z tym celem niniejszej analizy jest sformalizowana empiryczna ocena zjawiska integracji instytucjonalnej w krajach UE w odniesieniu do porządku gospodarczego w pierwszym dziesięcioleciu XX wieku. Ze względu na fakt, iż systemy instytucjonalne należy traktować jako zjawiska wielowymiarowe w niniejszym badaniu wykorzystano powszechnie uznane narzędzia analizy taksonomicznej - hierarchiczną metodę grupowania, której zastosowanie pozwoliło na uzyskanie jednorodnych podzbiorów krajów ze względu na podobieństwo ich systemów instytucjonalnych. Badanie zrealizowano w oparciu o dane roczne z okresu 2000-2008 dla 27 krajów będących członkami UE, co pozwoliło to na uchwycenie okresu czterech lat przed oraz czerech lat po największym rozszerzeniu Unii. Główne zagadnienie badawcze niniejszej analizy sprowadzało się do pytania: czy w analizowanym okresie można mówić o procesie upodabniania się w sferze instytucjonalnej tzw. starych i nowych krajów członkowskich Unii Europejskiej? Przeprowadzone badanie potwierdza występowanie procesów integracyjnych w odniesieniu do gospodarczego ładu instytucjonalnego.

The last decade has been a period of accelerated integration in Europe. A tangible manifestation of this was the biggest ever enlargement of the EU in 2004 and its next enlargement in 2007. Therefore the aim of this study is a formalized empirical evaluation of the phenomenon of integration in case of EU countries in the sphere of economic institutional order in the first decade of the twentieth century. Due to the fact that institutional systems should be treated as a multidimensional phenomena, in this study generally recognized taxonomic tools were used - a hierarchical classification method, which allowed to obtain some homogeneous subsets of countries classified on the base of institutional system similarities in each year. The study was based on annual data from the period 2000-2008 for 27 countries that are members of the EU. It allowed to capture a period of four years before and four years after the biggest enlargement of the EU. The main research problem of this study amounted to the question: whether in the analyzed period can one speak about the process of growing similarities in the sphere of institutional order in case of so called old and new EU member states? The study confirms existence of integration processes in relation to economic governance and institutional order. ; Ostatnie dziesięciolecie było okresem przyspieszonej integracji w Europie. Za namacalny przejaw tego zjawiska należy uznać największe dotychczasowe rozszerzenie UE w 2004 oraz kolejne rozszerzenie z 2007 r. W związku z tym celem niniejszej analizy jest sformalizowana empiryczna ocena zjawiska integracji instytucjonalnej w krajach UE w odniesieniu do porządku gospodarczego w pierwszym dziesięcioleciu XX wieku. Ze względu na fakt, iż systemy instytucjonalne należy traktować jako zjawiska wielowymiarowe w niniejszym badaniu wykorzystano powszechnie uznane narzędzia analizy taksonomicznej - hierarchiczną metodę grupowania, której zastosowanie pozwoliło na uzyskanie jednorodnych podzbiorów krajów ze względu na podobieństwo ich systemów instytucjonalnych. Badanie zrealizowano w oparciu o dane roczne z okresu 2000-2008 dla 27 krajów będących członkami UE, co pozwoliło to na uchwycenie okresu czterech lat przed oraz czerech lat po największym rozszerzeniu Unii. Główne zagadnienie badawcze niniejszej analizy sprowadzało się do pytania: czy w analizowanym okresie można mówić o procesie upodabniania się w sferze instytucjonalnej tzw. starych i nowych krajów członkowskich Unii Europejskiej? Przeprowadzone badanie potwierdza występowanie procesów integracyjnych w odniesieniu do gospodarczego ładu instytucjonalnego.

Celem monografii jest analiza procesu reformowania Unii Europejskiej. Badaniom poddano trzy kolejne konferencje międzyrządowe, które zakończyły się przyjęciem traktatu amsterdamskiego, traktatu nicejskiego i traktatu konstytucyjnego. Rozdział pierwszy dotyczy istoty, zakresu i uwarunkowań procesu reform traktatowych UE a rozdział drugi odnosi się do stanowisk wybranych państw członkowskich wobec reformy Unii Europejskiej w połowie lat 90. XX wieku. W kolejnych rozdziałach dokonano bardzo szczegółowej analizy procesu negocjacji i zawartości kolejnych traktatów, tj. traktatu amsterdamskiego ("niedokończona reforma"), traktatu nicejskiego ("kompromis w obliczu poszerzenia") i traktatu konstytucyjnego ("nieudana próba określenia finalité politique Unii Europejskiej"). Na tej podstawie monografia oferuje model teoretyczny reform traktatowych w ramach Unii Europejskiej. ; The aim of the monograph is to analyse the process of reforming the European Union. Three successive Intergovernmental Conferences are examined, which resulted in the adoption of the Amsterdam Treaty, the Nice Treaty and the Constitutional Treaty. The first chapter concerns the essence, scope and conditions of the EU treaty reform process, and the second refers to the positions of selected Member States towards the reform of the European Union in the mid-1990s. In the following chapters a very detailed analysis of the negotiation process and the content of successive treaties, i.e. the Treaty of Amsterdam ("an unfinished reform"), the Treaty of Nice ("a compromise in view of enlargement") and the Constitutional Treaty ("an unsuccessful attempt to define the finalité politique of the European Union"), is made. On this basis, the monograph offers a theoretical model of treaty reforms within the European Union.

Celem monografii jest analiza procesu reformowania Unii Europejskiej. Badaniom poddano trzy kolejne konferencje międzyrządowe, które zakończyły się przyjęciem traktatu amsterdamskiego, traktatu nicejskiego i traktatu konstytucyjnego. Rozdział pierwszy dotyczy istoty, zakresu i uwarunkowań procesu reform traktatowych UE a rozdział drugi odnosi się do stanowisk wybranych państw członkowskich wobec reformy Unii Europejskiej w połowie lat 90. XX wieku. W kolejnych rozdziałach dokonano bardzo szczegółowej analizy procesu negocjacji i zawartości kolejnych traktatów, tj. traktatu amsterdamskiego ("niedokończona reforma"), traktatu nicejskiego ("kompromis w obliczu poszerzenia") i traktatu konstytucyjnego ("nieudana próba określenia finalité politique Unii Europejskiej"). Na tej podstawie monografia oferuje model teoretyczny reform traktatowych w ramach Unii Europejskiej. ; The aim of the monograph is to analyse the process of reforming the European Union. Three successive Intergovernmental Conferences are examined, which resulted in the adoption of the Amsterdam Treaty, the Nice Treaty and the Constitutional Treaty. The first chapter concerns the essence, scope and conditions of the EU treaty reform process, and the second refers to the positions of selected Member States towards the reform of the European Union in the mid-1990s. In the following chapters a very detailed analysis of the negotiation process and the content of successive treaties, i.e. the Treaty of Amsterdam ("an unfinished reform"), the Treaty of Nice ("a compromise in view of enlargement") and the Constitutional Treaty ("an unsuccessful attempt to define the finalité politique of the European Union"), is made. On this basis, the monograph offers a theoretical model of treaty reforms within the European Union.

Parliament – an institution of a democratic state – a member of the Union – is not only an authority but also, as in the case of the European Union, the only directly and universally elected representative body of the European Union. The article presents questions related to the essence of parliament and that of a supranational parliament which are vital while dealing with the subject matter. It proves that the growth of the European Parliament's powers was the direct reason for departing from the system of delegating representatives to the Parliament for the benefit of direct elections. It presents direct and universal elections to the European Parliament in the context of presenting legal regulations applicable in this respect. It describes a new legal category – citizenship of the European Union – primarily in terms of active and passive suffrage to the European Parliament, as a political entitlement of a citizen of the European Union. ; Parliament – an institution of a democratic state – a member of the Union – is not only an authority but also, as in the case of the European Union, the only directly and universally elected representative body of the European Union. The article presents questions related to the essence of parliament and that of a supranational parliament which are vital while dealing with the subject matter. It proves that the growth of the European Parliament's powers was the direct reason for departing from the system of delegating representatives to the Parliament for the benefit of direct elections. It presents direct and universal elections to the European Parliament in the context of presenting legal regulations applicable in this respect. It describes a new legal category – citizenship of the European Union – primarily in terms of active and passive suffrage to the European Parliament, as a political entitlement of a citizen of the European Union.

Public perception of healthcare personnel in Poland and some other European countries in view of selected studiesThe paper presents current trends in the perception of healthcare in Poland and other European countries. The authors present the results of numerous surveys conducted both in Poland and abroad, which demonstrate significant changes in the way healthcare is perceived by the public in individual countries. As the diagnosis of how the medical profession is perceived in Poland gives no grounds for optimism, factors affecting its perception must be identified. This shows healthcare evaluation to be contextually-based, depending on the performance of both individual healthcare establishments and of the whole healthcare system in Poland. Demography has a heavy impact on the evaluation, as the medical services are being rated by the ageing society.

This paper's objective is to study the impact of the war in Ukraine on the Eastern policy of the European Union. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to highlight this policy's position in the overall international activity of the EU, as well as its characteristic features, main goals, instruments, and two components: the strategic partnership with Russia and the Eastern Partnership (EaP). The substantive part of the paper contains an analysis which, taking into account the implications of the war in Ukraine, is intended to justify three research hypotheses. They concern: the complete failure of the strategic partnership with Russia, then the serious crisis of the EaP and, finally, the possibility of achieving success in the Eastern policy in the form of Ukraine's accession to the EU. As indicated in the conclusion, this would provide the European Union with a permanently strong position in Eastern Europe.

On August 1, 1994 the Cooperation Agreement between the European Community and the Republic of India on partnership and development entered into force. On June 16, 2004, in the tenth anniversary of the partnership, the European Commission presented the communication "An EU-India Strategic Partnership" in order to intensify cooperation with India. The Republic of India was regarded as a regional and global leader, being able to have equal relations with EU members. This paper is to analise signs of cooperation aimed at stategic partnership, and to present that despite legal and institutional frameworks of cooperation, no comprehensive concept of partnership was implemented. Moreover, years of relations have showned that partners are not equal, as well as that course and speed of cooperation are shaped unilaterally by the European Union. ; On August 1, 1994 the Cooperation Agreement between the European Community and the Republic of India on partnership and development entered into force. On June 16, 2004, in the tenth anniversary of the partnership, the European Commission presented the communication "An EU-India Strategic Partnership" in order to intensify cooperation with India. The Republic of India was regarded as a regional and global leader, being able to have equal relations with EU members. This paper is to analise signs of cooperation aimed at stategic partnership, and to present that despite legal and institutional frameworks of cooperation, no comprehensive concept of partnership was implemented. Moreover, years of relations have showned that partners are not equal, as well as that course and speed of cooperation are shaped unilaterally by the European Union.

The economic processes experienced by European Union member states are clearly simultaneous in that the relative increase in the GDP of Northern Europe coincides with the dissolving structures in the South, manifested both in economic collapse and social discontent. Unemployment and all kinds of adverse phenomena that are related to it provide a foundation for dangerous conflicts, capable of disorganizing and devastating any society. Such conflicts are frequently augmented by structural and institutional crises, in particular in the areas devoid of innovative stimuli where production capacity is underused and alternatives absent. Apart from the negative economic development that has affected all countries to some extent, it is equally important to address the area of social relations comprising labor market and challenges related to the new form of social system where all the parties to the dispute are obliged to coexist. ; Procesy zachodzące w gospodarce państw tworzących Unię Europejską cechuje wyraźna symultaniczność, względny progres PKB odnotowywany w Europie Północnej kontrastuje z dysolucją struktur na Południu, postrzeganym zarówno poprzez pryzmat załamania gospodarki, jak i implozję niezadowolenia społecznego. Bezrobocie i towarzyszące temu zjawisku negatywne aspekty tworzą niebezpieczną bazę konfliktów, dezorganizujących i wyniszczających każde społeczeństwo. Wydarzenia te niejednokrotnie pogłębia kryzys strukturalny i instytucjonalny, szczególnie mocno identyfikowany z obszarami pozbawionymi bodźców innowacyjności, oparty na niewykorzystaniu mocy wytwórczych i braku alternatyw. Obok inwersji rozwoju gospodarczego, w mniejszym lub większym stopniu dotykającym wszystkie kraje, nie mniej ważną jest płaszczyzna relacji społecznych, która w swoim zasięgu obejmuje zagadnienia dotyczące rynku pracy i wyzwań dotyczących budowy nowego kształtu ustroju społecznego, obligując wszystkie podmioty sporu do koabitacji.

The development of the information society has initiated the need for creating new instruments with the help of which the authorities can reach out to citizens. Therefore, cyberspace has recently become a place of activity of a number of entities including state and international organizations (together with the European Union). The result of this phenomenon is the creation of the so-called digital diplomacy as new quality in the so-called diplomacy of the EU. The EU diplomacy currently uses a number of e-tools, among others, Facebook, MySpace, Daily Motion, YouTube, etc. These tools are a very good method to improve and warm up the image of the Union in the international arena. This kind of diplomacy was only formed at the beginning of the twenty-first century and has a great prospect of development, thus, it is worth considering in which direction its evolution should follow. Digital diplomacy is a de facto response to the problem of the EU communication with the outside world and the growing number of Internet users.

European Union and Indian Union signed the cooperation agreement in 1994 and a strategic partnership 10 years later. Europe was feeling safe and secure, which was well-described in 2003 in the European Security Strategy, so the approach to the relations with India stressed their economic aspects. In 2007, both sides have started negotiations of the Free Trade Agreement. They still have not concluded but in the meantime the world has changed dramatically. In the current international "disorder" both India and Europe are looking for new partners and vectors of influence, defending multilateralism and democratic values. The paper analyses 5 factors which severely influence these relations. They can bring both sides closer and make the strategic partnership stronger: Rise of China as a global power; Increase of American-Chinese competition and rivalry; Russia's coming back to the international game of power; Rise of India as a regional power and global player, the world largest democracy and a counterbalance to China; Brexit and internal dynamics in the EU. The text is based, among others, on research and discussions taken under umbrella of the India-EU Think Tank Twinning Initiative - the project implemented by 10 best European and Indian think tanks.