The circumstances and contexts that set Qatar on a road of prosperity are gaining momentum every new day. From a small British colony country as late as 1970, Qatar has undergone evolution beginning with settling on its current name after numerous suggestions for the Arab state. Thus, the study interest was to answer two research questions; what is the basis of the success stories of Qatar and lessons for other third world countries? And Is Qatar headed to another level of categorization to leverage into the status of first world countries? The study is mainly guided by structural functionalism theory. The study entailed a systematic literature review approach through which various current literature were analyzed. The progress is largely attributed to the effective strategies entailing financial investment, cultural branding, and policy re-engineering. The political stature and efficient constitution controlled by effective leadership are contributions to milestones observed in the country.
Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) is a contagious disease caused by severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus. The virus that causes COVID-19 spreads mainly when an infected person is in close contact with another person. The aim of this study is to determine the effect of COVID-19 on different countries, using USA as comparism factor. Ninety four countries were selected based on their continents, countries and cases of infection. Data from each country were obtained from United Nations Geoscheme and WHO and were analyzed and compared to that of the United State of America (USA).Data analyzed revealed that most countries in Africa appears to be least affected by the virus. Data also revealed that many countries have been able to understand and manage the spread and infectivity of the virus compared to the USA. Result from the study also showed that the many countries have been able to improve on managing the infection when compared to USA mortality. This may be due to among other factors a more robust immune response, herd immunity and united approach in the management of the disease. The result also helps to provide insight as to how significant developing and providing vaccine may be to this part of the world. Result from the study suggests that while Africa has a better immunity for the virus, there seems to be improvement the management of disease by other continent.
This article explores the significant role that the state is still expected to play in initiating and implementing the energy transition. In this regard, it is laid out in three parts. Part I focuses on the premise of the role that derives from constitutional law. This role is considered classic, because it is based on different functions of the state, and the legitimate constrain that distinguishes it from other social actors, including non-state actors. Tremendous materials are offered by the analysis either from the perspective of sociology or law studies when it comes to the specific situation of French-speaking African states. The scope of analysis is broadened with the energy law approach. With a focus on African English-speaking countries, the article examines both the way the state is enforcing statutes aiming to design its own transition scheme and exercising its discretionary power through its energy policy. Beyond the functions of the state—deriving from its sovereign power—these elements set out the direction in quest of a specific role the state can play in the energy transition as a process in Part II. As such, the energy transition, if it is to lead to coherent social change, requires strong and dynamic leadership, including clear, nuanced, and forward-looking direction on the broad sections of the overall process, and the environmental justice issues that necessarily cluster around them. For this reason, the role of the state is construed as both a steering role, and an integrative role for environmental, economic and social issues. Part III provides a rationale for the necessary and strong support of international cooperation—to the state—in order to achieve the paradigm shift smoothly. In Part IV, I emphasize the African Union's transition initiatives in the run-up to COP 25, which I hold out as an inducement for states' efforts. In fact, this article seeks to address these issues. Taken together, they could help build a coherent pattern of the role that African states play in the energy ...
This article deals with the determinants of Pakistan relations with Afghanistan with reference to past present and future. There are numerous writings on the topic under consideration mainly in terrorism perspective but this study deals with the socio-cultural, political, economic and diplomatic relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan. Unique relationship of two Muslim and neighboring countries as peace and security of both countries is inter-linked. Although Pakistan and Afghanistan are facing many challenges but both of them are doing their best to handle the issues of terrorism, Pakhtunstan and Durand line. Present study will fill this gap. Since independence Pakistan has endeavored to maintain good relations with Afghanistan in pursuance of its policy to have good relations with Muslim Countries. By focusing on the need to improve socio-economic and cultural ties of both countries is very important for the peaceful co- existence of both the countries which will ensure peace and prosperity in the region. Pakistan, has its plus points and can be useful for the development of the Afghanistan while Afghanistan has colossal untapped mineral and labour assets which can help Pakistan to build its economy. Also, Afghans might have the ability to get coordinate access to Pakistan's ports of Arabian Sea, while Pakistanis can get steer access to Central Asian markets.
Oil and gas as the non-renewable resources are considered very valuable for the countries with petroleum economics. These resources are not only diffused equally around the world, but also they are common in some places which their neighbors often come into conflicts. Consequently, it is vital for those countries to manage their resource utilization. Lately, game theory was applied in conflict resolution of common resources, such as water, which is a proof of its efficacy and capability. This paper models the conflicts between Iran and its neighbors namely Qatar and Iraq between their oil and gas common resources using game theory approach. In other words, the future of these countries will be introduced and analyzed by some well-known 2 × 2 games to achieve a better perspective of their conflicts. Because of information inadequacy of the players, in addition to Nash Stability, various solution concepts are used based on the foresight, disimprovements, and knowledge of preferences. The results of mathematical models show how the countries could take a reasonable strategy to exploit their common resources. ; This paper models the conflicts between Iran and its neighbors namely Qatar and Iraq between their oil and gas common resources using game theory approach. In other words, the future of these countries will be introduced and analyzed by some well-known 2 9 2 games to achieve a better perspective of their conflicts. Because of information inadequacy of the players, in addition to Nash Stability, various solution concepts are used based on the foresight, disimprovements, and knowledge of preferences. The results of mathematical models show how the countries could take a reasonable strategy to exploit their common resources.
Global developments that are full of dynamics are marked by the emergence of interdependence between countries. Global developments are in line with the development of science and technology which causes countries to seem borderless. The blurring of boundaries between countries and the development of an increasingly dynamic environment are also accompanied by the development of increasingly broad and multidimensional threats. This global development is also marked by the emergence of new actors in international relations. The development of threats and increasing global issues that cannot be handled by the state alone have created a new phenomenon in the international relations order, namely global governance. Previously, the state was the sole actor in the order of international relations. However, with global governance, there is a new arrangement in the international relations system that accommodates all actors who play a role. This research will use a qualitative phenomenological method. The theory used in this research are global governance, defense diplomacy and international organization as a basis theory and concept, and also a security theory as supporting theory. In the end, we can see that the change of international order can bring the positive effect for countries in achieving their national goals and accomplish their national interests.
Cases of high levels of public debt have mostly been reported in many developing countries part of which is debt borrowed abroad. Foreign debt is more preferable by many developing countries because it is cheaper to service in terms of interest costs. These countries tax their citizens heavily to raise enough finances to pay foreign debt. It was thus feasible to establish the influence of the foreign debt and taxation on expenditure of the Kenyan government. The study employed a causal research design. The period under study ranged from 2002 to 2017. The study used secondary data which was extracted from the National Bureau of Statistics, and National Economic Surveys which were available at the Government of Kenya website. Correlation statistics were conducted to establish the association between variables. Regression analysis was used to establish the effect of foreign debt and taxation on government expenditure in Kenya. The findings revealed that foreign debt and taxation influences government expenditure individually. However, on the test of the joint effect, only taxation was found to influence public expenditure significantly unlike foreign debts.
Readmission which reflects capacity to manage patients and general level of medical services has been known for one of the causes of medical expenditure due to inefficient service. Compared to disease-specific readmission, hospital wide readmission (HWR) is relatively easy to understand, and has merit to get over limitation of collateral medical services assessment; therefore, a growing interest in development and usage of readmission indicator as quality of care indicator focusing on all-disease is detected. In this study, we investigate current state of risk standardized readmission rate indicator used in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada, and examine the considerations when using readmission rate as quality indicator in Korea. Differences in risk-adjustment methods were showed among countries. The United States do not control race not to hide socio-demographic factors on readmission. Canada shows differentiation compared to other countries about reflecting community factors. All three-countries utilize readmission rate as monitoring quality of care rather than incentives or penalty due to the fact that readmission rate could not represent the whole quality of hospital and has a limitation at controlling socio-economic factors. Therefore, for usage readmission rate as quality indicator in Korea, preparing readmission classification standard for Korean medical environment and additional methods for acquiring information by using discharge summary is need. Moreover, continued discussion with clinical specialists is needed for obtain clinical reliability and validity. ; open
학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 외교학과, 2012. 2. 신범식. ; 본 논문의 핵심 질문은 색깔 혁명 발생으로 민주화에 성공한 그루지야와 우크라이나의 이후 민주주의 발전 양상은 왜 달랐는가이다. 색깔 혁명 이후, 우크라이나의 민주주의는 진전을 보였지만, 그루지야는 그렇지 못했다. 본 연구는 색깔혁명 이후 미국과 러시아의 갈등 구도와 양국의 대(對) 그루지야, 우크라이나 정책이 각국의 국내 엘리트-대중 관계에서 엘리트 자율성, 그리고 민주화에 미친 영향에 주목하였다. 9.11 테러 이후 미국과 러시아는 협력 체제에 있었지만, 색깔 혁명의 발생으로 인해 양국은 갈등 구도에 들어서게 된다. 그루지야와 우크라이나는 미․러 갈등 구도의 중심에 있었다. 활용가능성의 요인으로 인해, 그루지야는 우크라이나보다 전략적 가치가 더 큰 곳이었다. 미․러 갈등 구도 속에서 그루지야 집권 엘리트들은 높은 엘리트 자율성을 가질 수 있었다. 미국은 그루지야에게 큰 경제 원조, 정치적 지원을 하였다. 또한 그루지야-러시아 관계 악화와 2008년 전쟁 발발은 정권의 권위주의 정책을 정당화하고 국내를 결집시키는 기제로 작용하여 그루지야 집권 엘리트들이 높은 자율성을 갖게 해주었고, 이는 민주화 저해로 이어졌다. 우크라이나는 그루지야와 반대였다. 미․러 갈등 구도 속에서 우크라이나 엘리트들은 낮은 자율성을 가졌다. 우크라이나의 집권 엘리트들은 서방과 러시아 양측 모두로부터 확고한 정치적, 경제적 지원을 얻을 수 없었다. 오히려 러시아의 정책으로 인해 국내의 반 오렌지, 대항 엘리트가 공고해지면서, 집권 엘리트의 자율성은 낮아졌다. 엘리트들의 낮은 자율성과 대중에 대한 높은 의존성은 대중 영합주의 정책과 정국 불안의 결과를 낳았으나, 이는 오렌지 혁명 이후 우크라이나 민주주의의 발전을 제한적으로나마 가능하게 해주었다. 본 연구는 민주화 연구에서 그동안 비교적 주목을 덜 받아온 국제적 요인을 다루고, 외교 정책, 국내 엘리트-대중 관계, 민주화의 연계를 통합적으로 보여준다는 점에서 함의가 있다. 본고는 많은 기존 연구들이 상정해 온, 민주화에 대한 서구 민주화 증진 정책의 긍정적 영향과 권위주의 국가의 부정적 영향이라는 단순한 명제의 한계를 드러내주고 있다. 또한 민주주의 지원 정책에서 민주화 단계별로 정책을 달리할 필요성에 대해서 시사한다. ; What caused the difference in democratic trajectories between Georgia and Ukraine after the Color Revolutions? Since the occurrence of the Color Revolutions, Georgia's democracy has laid in tatters, whereas Ukraine has achieved a relatively successful democracy. Georgia and Ukraine share similar domestic determinants which have been discussed in previous democratization literature. This study, however, focuses on the international factor as an explanation for the different democratic fates of democracy between the two countries. Comparing both countries, this thesis uses a framework that integrates international factors, elite autonomy in domestic elite-mass relations, and democratization. The study argues that international factors, specifically the foreign policies of the US and Russia, provide an explanation for the difference in democratic outcomes for the two countries. Following the events of September 11, 2001, US-Russian relations improved. However, the occurrence of the Color Revolutions caused deterioration in the ties between the two countries, and both started to adopt different foreign policies towards the post-Soviet region. Caught in the middle of this conflict between the two great powers were Georgia and Ukraine. The unconditional US support for Georgia and Russia's assertive policy towards Georgia which culminated in the Russian-Georgian War in 2008 enabled the Georgian elites to attain high elite autonomy, thus resulting in democratic stagnation for Georgia. In contrast, Ukraine did not garner the support of either the US or Russia; rather, it was pressured by Russia. The anti-Orange elites in Ukraine were effectively supported by Russia, and, thus, were able to function as a forceful political opposition to the incumbent elites. Therefore, the Ukrainian elites only garnered low autonomy, which resulted in democratic progress in Ukraine despite domestic political chaos. This study contributes to further understanding of the impact of international factors upon democratization. In addition, this thesis creates implications for democracy promotion policy. The conclusion of the thesis challenges the predominant assumption that Western democracy promotion is conducive to actually democratization, and that authoritarian countries' authoritarian promotion policy is harmful to democratization. In the process of democracy promotion policy, policymakers and implementers need both careful monitoring of the process of democratic assistance and coordination with other countries. ; Master
Elections are the backbone of democracy. It is through elections that individuals assert their voice, their perspectives, and choose a person whose philosophies most complement them. Elections allow citizens to choose their representatives. They are also important for the people to express their resentment at the ruling government. When there is high voter participation, the election process is considered successful. Unfortunately, developing countries such as India are facing a decline in the turnout. People in rural areas move to metropolitan cities or other countries, in most developing countries to make their livelihood or schooling. During elections, visiting their hometown and casting their votes becomes burdensome for them because of their commitment to their workplace. Challenges in moving to poll places and sometimes adverse weather conditions, cause people to miss the chance to choose the candidate of their choice. People with disabilities and senior citizens also refuse to go to the polling station due to travel-related difficulty. Therefore, many elections record only 50-70 percent electoral turnout, sometimes, even less than 50%. Only when all eligible voters are granted fair opportunities to exercise their franchise then only such a democratic system is considered fool proof. The need for the hour is such a fool proof framework that enables all eligible voters to cast their vote by visiting Polling Station or doing so remotely. This paper proposes a conceptual framework for the Integrated, Smart, and Secure Remote Public Voting System (SSRPVS) that allows voters from any part of India to exercise their franchise without moving place to place and wasting time and money. To develop the Framework, emerging technologies such as IoT, Cloud Computing, Edge Computing, Blockchain, and Data Analytics are included. The system will guarantee security through four different levels, Smart Voting Card based on RFID, One Time Password, Thumb Recognition, and Retina Recognition. The only theoretical model of the ...
Indonesia is one of the largest democratic countries in the world and has held 11 general elections nationally. Nonetheless, the electoral process with ballot paper is deemed convoluted, prone to manipulation, requires massive resources and lengthy process and spent extravagant state budget. Electronic voting (e-voting) has been implemented in more than 26 countries, and India has achieved terrific success in 2019 with more than 900 million voters. E-voting in India has answered convoluted and high cost of election problems, and the VVPAT (voter-verified paper audit trail) technology helped prevent fraud potential and manipulation. This study examines the policy transfer of e-voting technology from India into Indonesia's jurisdiction and political context by using literature study and secondary sources of data to support the arguments. The key findings are that e-voting serves a constitutional electoral system that defends effective and efficient democratic election, reduces the margin of error in voting, counting, recapitulation, and significantly reduces the probability of invalid votes, effectively hindering fraudulent practices like vote-buying during recapitulation and preventing dropping illegal ballots into the ballot box. Moreover, e-voting technology also corresponds with High Court No.147/PUU-VII/2009, and if implemented with adequate technology, software and human resources, this method could secure the tenets of direct, general, free, confidential, honesty and fairness.
Myanmar is currently faced with conflicts mainly considered as crimes against humanity that require resolution sooner or later. The conflict in Myanmar is closely linked to ethnicity, creating a cycle of violence that continues to escalate without any possibility of diminishing. The inability of the state to address ethnic minority grievances or provide adequate security to communities has created a literal arms race among minority groups. More action needs to be taken to finally resolve the situation and crisis unfolding in Myanmar, and that is where countries in Southeast Asia play a very important role for conflict resolution. This research was carried out using qualitative method with descriptive analysis regarding to the situation that occurred in Myanmar, especially regarding the Rohingya crisis and the Myanmar Military Coup which was the focus of the research. The escalation of the humanitarian conflict and the deprivation of democracy by the Myanmar people, requires joint handling in order to avoid further expansion of the conflict. In this case, neighboring countries such as Indonesia have an important role as a driver of mediation in regional forums to resolve conflicts in Myanmar. ASEAN, as a diplomatic platform in the Southeast Asian region, must be put forward and reach a consensus for finally intervening in the Myanmar conflict, which is taking more and more lives. The United Nations with the principle of responsibility to protect can also play a role in overcoming the conflict, considering that the conflict has resulted in crimes against humanity that cannot be tolerated.
When Nigeria got her independence in 1960 there were high hopes that she would become one of the greatest nations in the nearest future. Those who made this prediction were not wrong because Nigeria has what it takes to become great. In terms of population, it is not just the most populous but also one of the most talented in the continent. In natural resources, very few countries in Africa can boast of the resources the country parades. However, when these endowments are placed side by side with development in the country, the result becomes discouraging. Currently, one may assert that Nigeria is or at the point of becoming the poverty capital of the world looking at the rate her citizens are fleeing to other countries in search of greener pastures. Using the method of documentation and conceptual analysis, this study examines why Nigeria has not been able to translate its potentials into development indexes. The investigation centres around two research questions: 1) what is the relationship between the lack of development in Nigeria and electoral malpractice and 2) is Nigeria's inability to translate its potentials to development caused by executive abuse of powers. The paper discovered that moral decadence in the form of electoral malpractice and executive recklessness are the root causes of Nigeria's political and economic backwardness. It recommended the formation of an enlightened populace who will not only reject but also fight these two ills through civil resistance as the philosopher's stone that will save Nigeria
The sharp increase in the number of new COVID-19 cases in late 2021 and early 2022, which is associated with the spread of a new strain of coronavirus - omicron - is of great concern and makes it necessary to make at least approximate forecasts for the pandemic dynamics of the epidemic. As this rapid growth occurs even in countries with high levels of vaccinations, the question arises as to their effectiveness. The smoothed daily number of new cases and deaths per capita and the ratio of these characteristics were used to reveal the appearance of new coronavirus strains and to estimate the effectiveness of quarantine, testing and vaccination. The third year of the pandemic allowed us to compare the pandemic dynamics in the period from September 2020 to January 2021 with the same period one year later for Ukraine, EU, the UK, USA, India, Brazil, South Africa, Argentina, Australia, and in the whole world. Record numbers of new cases registered in late 2021 and early 2022 once again proved that existing vaccines cannot prevent new infections, and vaccinated people can spread the infection as intensively as non-vaccinated ones. Fortunately, the daily number of new cases already diminishes in EU, the UK, USA, South Africa, and Australia. In late January - early February 2022, the maximum averaged numbers of new cases are expected in Brazil, India, EU, and worldwide. Omicron waves can increase the numbers of deaths per capita, but in highly vaccinated countries, the deaths per case ratio significantly decreases. Highlights: Vaccinated persons can get and pass the new coronavirus variants. The probability of death is much lower for vaccinated persons.
학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 사회학과, 2012. 2. 장덕진. ; 경제적 세계화와 국내 정치가 조세정책에 미치는 영향 연구 : 1981년 - 2008년 OECD 18개국을 대상으로 서울대학교 대학원 사회학과 박 기 웅 본 논문은 한 사회의 균열을 반영하는 국내 정치가 경제적 세계화의 흐름 속에서 자율적인 정책 형성 능력을 유지하는지 밝히고자 한다. 세계화의 논리는 국가공동체 및 민주주의의 논리와 갈등을 일으키고, 이러한 갈등은 국내의 다양한 경제·사회정책 영역의 투쟁으로 드러난다. 특히 국가의 물질적 기반과 직결되는 조세정책은 경제적 세계화의 영향력을 받는 동시에 국가의 재분배 정책 의지를 반영한다는 점에서 중요한 지표이다. 본 연구는 경제적 세계화와 국내 정치의 경쟁적 관계에 대한 실마리를 찾고자 조세정책의 주요 세목인 법인세를 연구 대상으로 삼았다. 지난 30년 간 사회과학계는 신자유주의적 세계화의 효과에 대해 수렴 가설과 다양성 가설로 대표되는 논쟁을 지속해왔다. 먼저 수렴 가설은 자본을 유치하기 위한 조세경쟁이 정부의 조세정책 능력을 구조적으로 제약하고 국내 정책 결정에 대한 주권을 약화시켜, 각 국의 정책을 하향 수렴(race to the bottom)시킨다고 주장한다. 반면 다양성 가설은 국내적 요인(정당정치, 노조 등)에 의해 세계화의 영향력이 매개되어 개별 국가가 세계화의 파괴적인 영향력을 막아낼 수 있다고 본다. 뿐만 아니라 다양성 가설은 국가 별, 레짐(regime) 별로 세계화 양상이 유의한 차이를 보인다는 점에 주목한다. 두 입장의 이론적인 대립과 비교할 때, 그간의 경험 연구들은 대부분 다양성 가설 혹은 정치 중심(Politics Matter)의 주장들을 뒷받침해왔다. 본 논문은 기존의 경험 연구가 지닌 한계를 극복하고 레짐 별 차이를 확인하기 위해, 1981년부터 2008년까지 선진 산업국가의 법인세 정책 변화를 패널교정표준오차(Panel-Corrected Standard Error) 회귀모델로 분석하였다. 분석 결과 첫째, 법정법인세율은 경제적 세계화 변수(금융자유화, 무역의존도)와 강한 부(-)의 관계를 보였다. 이 결과는 경제적 세계화가 진행될수록 조세경쟁이 심화되고 법정법인세율이 낮아진다는 점에서 수렴 가설을 지지하는 근거가 된다. 하지만 여전히 정당과 노조를 비롯한 국내 정치적 변수도 부분적으로 영향을 미치고 있다는 점에서 국내 정치의 영향력이 무의미해졌다고 해석하기는 어렵다. 둘째, 개인소득세 최고세율과 법정 법인세율의 차이를 나타내는 세율 격차는 경제적 세계화 변수와 정(+)의 관계를 보였다. 즉 경제적 세계화가 진행될수록 세율 격차는 점점 더 커지고, 그에 따라 세입 증대 억제와 소득세의 누진성 약화와 같은 조세경쟁의 간접적 효과가 나타나는 것이다. 국내 정치 요소 중 정당 정치 변수의 영향력은 사라졌지만 노조의 영향력은 여전히 유효하였다. 셋째, Esping-Anderson이 제시한 복지국가 레짐 분류가 세계화에 대한 대응에서 어떤 차이점과 공통점을 보이는지 확인하기 위해 법정법인세율에 대한 레짐 별 분석을 시도하였다. 그 결과 경제적 세계화 변수는 레짐과 무관하게 부(-)의 관계를 나타내면서 효율성(수렴) 가설을 강하게 뒷받침하고, 국내 정치 변수는 부분적으로만 다양성 가설을 지지한다는 사실을 확인했다. 세부적으로 경제적 세계화 변수는 사민주의 레짐의 법인세 정책에 가장 강한 영향력을 나타냈고, 정당 정치 변수는 자유주의 레짐에서, 노조 변수는 보수주의 레짐에서 유의하게 나타났다. 본 연구의 결과를 종합하면, OECD 국가들의 법인세 정책에는 조세경쟁으로 인한 '강한 수렴'과 국내 정치의 매개를 통한 '약한 다양성' 경향이 드러난다고 할 수 있다. 즉, 자본의 영향력 증대와 정치의 퇴각으로 인한 정책 자율성의 축소는 세계 경쟁의 틀에 구속되어 있는 선진 산업 국가에서 보편적으로 관찰되는 현상인 것이다. 또한 연구 결과는 신자유주의적 세계화가 진행된 이래 정치사회학적 의미의 민주주의 기반이 흔들리고 있으며 동시에 민주주의의 왜소화가 빠르게 진행되고 있음을 암시한다. 이는 선진 복지국가만의 문제가 아니라, 전 세계적인 신자유주의적 재편 과정의 일부이며 또한 '미국의 길'을 걷고 있는 한국의 문제이기도 하다. 따라서 향후 한국에서 전개될 복지국가 논쟁은 국내 정치를 제약하는 경제적 세계화의 영향력에 대해 심화된 고민을 필요로 한다. ; Effects of Economic Globalization and Domestic Politics on Tax Policy - Focused on 18 OECD Countries, 1981-2008 - Park, Kiwoong Department of Sociology Graduate School Seoul National University The purpose of this study is to find out whether domestic politics, which reflect social cleavage, still preserves its autonomy which enables policy making in the era of economic globalization. The logic of globalization confronts with the logic of nation community and democracy, and this conflict comes out as a struggle within various domestic economic/social policy areas. Especially, tax policy, directly connected with the country's material base, is important because it not only is influenced by economic globalization but also reflects the state's redistribution policy will. Main target of this research is the corporate tax, major item of tax policy, to inquire about the competitive relationship between economic globalization and domestic politics. There has been an acute debate about the effect of neoliberal globalization between convergence hypothesis and diversity hypothesis. First, convergence hypothesis insists that tax competition to attract capital structurally constrains the state's tax policy capacity and weakens its sovereignty in internal policy decision. As a result, each country's policy enters the race to the bottom. Diversity hypothesis, however, maintains that an individual nation can protect itself from globalization's destructive influence by domestic factors (party politics, institution, etc.). Also, this stance focuses on the differentiated effect of globalization by country and regime. Based on such debate, most previous empirical researches have backed up the diversity hypothesis or the 'Politics Matter' argument. This paper has analyzed the corporate tax change of the advanced industrial states between 1981 and 2008 by OLS-PCSE(Panel-Corrected Standard Error) model to overcome the limits of previous empirical researches and to verify the characteristics by regime. The analysis result is as follow. First, statutory corporate tax rate shows a strong negative relation with economic globalization variables (financial liberalization, trade openness). This result supports convergence hypothesis by showing off that the tax competition deepens and statutory corporate tax rate decreases as economic globalization proceeds. But it cannot be interpreted that the influence of domestic politics has become meaningless since internal politics variables, such as party and labor union, still keeps their influence. Second, tax rate difference between the highest individual income tax rate and statutory corporate tax rate is positively related with economic globalization variable. It means that the tax rate difference becomes larger and the indirect effect of the tax competition, for example, control on tax revenue increase and weakened income tax's progressivity, as the economic globalization progresses. Though the influence of party politics variable among internal politics factors has faded away, labor union's influence is still effective. Third, statutory corporate tax rate analysis, according to regime, is performed to verify how Esping-Anderson's welfare state regime classification applies to response to globalization. As a result, regardless of regime, economic globalization variable shows negative relationship. This result strongly supports effective convergence hypothesis, and confirms that the internal politics variable support the diversity hypothesis in part only. Specifically, economic globalization variable presents the strongest influence on social democratic regime's tax policy, while party politics variable is significant in liberal regime. Labor union variable is significant in conservative regime. Putting together the result of this study, OECD countries' corporate tax policy reveals a 'strong convergence' due to tax competition and a 'weak diversity' carried by domestic politics. That is, reduction of domestic policy's autonomy due to augmented influence of capital and retreat of politics is a universal phenomenon in advanced industrial states which are confined in the framework of global competition. It can be referred that the base of democracy - in the way of political sociology - is waving and trivialization of democracy is proceeding. This is not only the problem of the advanced welfare state, but also a phase of global neoliberal reorganization and Korea, which is on the way of 'The Road to USA.' Thus, the influence of economic globalization which can constrain internal politics should be concerned in the welfare state debate in Korea. ; Master