Chan Wai Shun. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 193-216). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; ABSTRACT --- p.III ; 緒論 --- p.IV ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENT --- p.V ; TABLE OF CONTENT --- p.VII ; ABBREVIATIONS / LIST OF TABLES / LISTS OF FIGURES --- p.XII ; Chapter CHAPTER 1: --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Policy Background --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Research Questions and Hypotheses --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Conceptualization of Terms --- p.8 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Thematic Framework of the Whole Dissertation --- p.11 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Methodology and Research Limitations --- p.14 ; Chapter 1.5.1 --- The Selection of Case --- p.16 ; Chapter 1.5.2 --- The Articulation of Narratives and Discourses --- p.17 ; Chapter 1.5.3 --- The Source of Narratives and Discourses --- p.18 ; Chapter 1.5.4 --- The Methodological Limitations --- p.20 ; Chapter 1.6 --- Potential Contributions --- p.21 ; Chapter 1.6.1 --- Contributions to Academic Community --- p.21 ; Chapter 1.6.2 --- Contributions to the Diplomatic Community --- p.23 ; Chapter 1.7 --- Chapter Summary and the Preview of the Dissertation --- p.24 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2: --- A THEORETICAL REVIEW ON EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.1 --- IR Theories and their Application in European Neighbourhood Policy --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Realism and its Variation --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- Liberal Institutionalism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.1.3 --- Constructivism and its Application --- p.30 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Problems of the Traditional IR Theories --- p.34 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- The Maltreatment of Bargaining Game within EU --- p.35 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- The Maltreatment of EU Polity --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- The Maltreatment of EU Foreign Policy --- p.38 ; Chapter 2.3 --- From IR ThEories to Policy-oriented Analysis --- p.40 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- The Enlargement Experience of the Usual Reference --- p.41 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- The Cross-pillar Characteristics of ENP ...
The COVID-19 pandemic brought on the so-called "coronacrisis," a global crisis event enormous in size and force. The crisis questioned the ability of states and instruments of international governance to respond quickly and effectively to the global threats. It is noteworthy that there was no strong correlation between crisis management efficacy and the type of political system of a country. However, the countries with elaborated and well-financed health systems, were able to struggle with the devastating consequences of the coronacrisis better than those with systemic, structural and financial problems of their healthcare sectors. It is obvious that the ability to manage the coronacrisis is not related to the type of political governance or ideology, but to the state administrative resources and competence of the cabinet / leaders. That potentially gave an opportunity for countries with different ideological foundations to neglect their tensions and unite the efforts in the containment of the SARS-CoV-2 virus (e.g. create mutual programmes of vaccination and medicine distribution). The main forces are the Transatlantic alliance, Russia and China. Unfortunately, no visible COVID-19-related agreement between them ever happened so far. Instead, the coronacrisis situation was used by the political rivals to intensify their aggressive rhetoric against each other (e.g., USA and Russia, USA and China) or profit from it in deepening international collaboration not connected with the pandemic itself (e.g., Russia and China). We do not observe any real mutual efforts of liquidating the pandemic consequences even within an ideological block, to say nothing about different blocks. The US–EU relationships worsened during the pandemic, especially at the background of Trump's cool attitude towards international organisations and his decision to leave the World Health Organization in the midst of the pandemic and his threatening words that US may also abandon the NATO. Likewise, John Bolton spoke of the EU as an entity hostile ...
The impact of the foreign assistance on economic growth and development of the recipient country remains unclear at both theoretical and empirical levels. While the number of studies devoted to the mechanisms of enhancing the effectiveness of foreign aid is growing progressively, international community is organizing high-level forums aimed at coordinating actions of donor countries, international financial institutions and recipient countries. The paper reviews main principles of enhancing aid effectiveness highlighted in the Declarations and Action Agenda's adopted by member countries of United Nations and Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development. The use of national development strategies of developing countries in aid allocation as well as introduction of new forms of aid provision as South-South cooperation may lead to better developmental outcomes.
V. Kravchenco [i.e. Kravchenko] ; 蘊雯, 陸沉, 安納合譯. ; 原書名不詳. 譯自英譯本: I chose freedom : the personal and political life of a Soviet official. ; 著錄據下册. ; V. Kravchenco [i.e. Kravchenko] ; Yun Wen, Lu Chen, An Na he yi. ; Yuan shu ming bu xiang. Yi zi Ying yi ben: I chose freedom : the personal and political life of a Soviet official. ; Zhu lu ju xia ce.
Includes bibliographical references (p. [487]-508) ; The papers collected in this anthology look at Chinese overseas, residing in five continents in the half century after the Second World War, from many new perspectives. Some papers raise questions about the Chinese diaspora in broad conceptual terms, and inquire into the meaning of being Chinese outside China. Other papers examine life in local communities, analysing how historical and contemporary circumstances affect their lives and the ways they negotiate their identity in the host country. In- depth case studies further bring out the complexity of the subject by identifying the range of variables, including the social, economic, political and cultural characteristics of the places of origin and destinations, as well as emigration and immigration policies, which affect the patterns of migration and the nature of settlement in any place at any time. This is especially highlighted in chapters using a comparative approach. With scholars from different disciplines, using different types of data, methodologies and theoretical tools, the richness of the subject matter becomes apparent ; published_or_final_version ; Preface / Sinn, Elizabeth pix ; Contributors pxi ; 1 Introduction: migration and new national identities / Wang, Gungwu p1 ; Glossary p485 ; Bibliography p487 ; Pt.I Overview p13 ; Pt.II Identity and ethnicity p63 ; Pt.III The diaspora in Europe p139 ; Pt.IV The Asia Pacific front p201 ; Pt.V New focus on Australia p277 ; Pt.VI.Chinese overseas in comparative perspectives ; Pt.VII Ethnicity, Religion and communal development and Qiaoxiang: Chinese overseas and the home village p423 ; 2 Upgrading the migrant: neither Huaqiao nor huaren / Wang, Gungwu p15 ; 3 Groundlessness and utopia: the Chinese diaspora and territory / Mung, Emmanuel Ma p35 ; 4 蕭玉燦主義的歷史命運 / 周南京 p49 ; 5 Preserving bukit China: the cultural politics of landscape interpretation in Melaka's Chinese cemetery / Cartier, Carolyn L. p65 ; 6 Representations of 'the Chinese' and 'ethnicity' in British racial discourse / Tam, Suk-tak p81 ; 7 Emerging British Chinese identities: issues and problems / Parker, David p91 ; 8 Integration or segregation: the Dutch and South African Chinese compared / Harris, Karen L. p115 ; 9 Chinese immigrants in Denmark after 1949: immigration patterns and development / Thuno, Mette p141 ; 10 Living among three walls? The peranakan Chinese in the Netherlands / Minghuan, Li p167 ; 11 The Chinese and Chinese districts in Paris / Guillon, Michelle p185 ; 12 Becoming 'Chinese Canadian': the genesis of a cultural category / Ng, Wing-chung p203 ; 13 Political participation amongst Chinese Canadians: the road to the 1993 election / Lary, Diana p217 ; 14 神戶的中國人與中國人社會 / 安井三吉 p229 ; 15 從日本華僑敎育的當地化傾向看日本華僑社會的當地化趨勢 / 朱慧玲 p241 ; 16 越南華人經濟形態的轉變(1975-1993) / 黃小堅 p261 ; 17 Astronaut families and parachute children: Hong Kong immigrants in Australia / Pe-Pua, Rogelia p279 ; 18 The changing characteristics of Chinese migrants to Australia during the 1980s and early 1990s / Coughlan, James E. p299 ; 19 Gold mountain no more: impressions of Australian society among recent Asian immigrants / Ip, David F. p347 ; 20 Chinese immigration to Australia and South Africa: a comparative analysis of legislative control / Harris, Karen L. p373 ; 21 Settlement experiences of recent Chinese immigrants in Australia: a comparison of settlers from Hong Kong, Taiwan and China / Wu, Chung-tong p391 ; 22 The role of the true jesus church in the communal development of the Chinese people in Elgin, Scotland / Liu, Garland p425 ; 23 現代中國少數民族人口境外遷移初探: 以新彊、雲南為例 / 譚天星 p447 ; 24 山東省日照市旅韓華僑的調查報告 / 晁中辰 p463 ; 25 戰後中國大陸客家人海外移民剖析: 梅州地區人口國際遷移情況的調查 / 黃靜 p475
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has emerged as a new model of regional governance at a moment of an increasing deficit of global governance and a governance dilemma in the European Union. In the past several years, during the consultations with the respective countries, the BRI has shocked the traditional western governance paradigm from the perspective of governance concept, structure and regulation. The BRI has also marked a change from Western governance emphasizing good-governance to Oriental and Chinese governance, emphasizing good-administration. From actor-oriented governance to topic-oriented governance and from pluralistic integration governance to multivariate, multibody governance. Those changes indicate the characteristics of the BRI based on resolving problems under shared circumstances, building consensus with shared ideals, searching for new ideas with shared needs, and would help to provide a regional governance transition with a feasible and referable model providing promising prospects. Key words: The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), Governance Paradigm, Concept, Structure, Regulation ; 全球治理赤字突显、欧盟治理遭遇困难之际,"一带一路"这一新型区域治理形式出现。几年来,在与沿线周边国家共商共建实践中,"一带一路"倡议合作在治理理念、结构、规范几个方面动摇了西方传统治理范式,预示着区域治理的改变和转向:从强调良治的西方治理模式向强调良政的东方方式、中国方式转变,从主体导向治理向主题导向治理转变,从多元一体治理向多元多体治理转变。这些转变体现了"一带一路"基于共同处境解决问题、出于相同理念凝聚共识、立于共同需求寻找方案的新特点,有望为区域治理转型提供可行的经验、可鉴的模式与可期的前景。 【关键词】:"一带一路";治理范式;理念;结构;规范
The role and place of public diplomacy in international relations, peace and stability, and the strengthening of mutual relations among nations are constantly increasing in the context of globalization. People's diplomacy plays an important role in shaping friendly relations between Uzbekistan and the international community with political, diplomatic and economic ties. In the development of public diplomacy, scientists, science and culture representatives, educational institutions, public and religious organizations, as well as public associations founded by fellow citizens, play a key role in the development of public diplomacy. The article aims to provide a systematic illustration of the history of cooperation of the Republic of Uzbekistan with Germany within the framework of public diplomacy. It follows from the following tasks: The Role of Public Diplomacy in Foreign Policy of Uzbekistan; Opening of the main directions of the German cooperation in the field of public diplomacy; The role of societies in the cooperation of the Republic of Uzbekistan with public diplomacy with Germany. The research has been used in the analysis, synthesis, history, logic research ways. The external mining partnership, formed in connection with public diplomacy, has given its results in the short run. In 1992, the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Uzbekistan received 36 representatives from 9 countries (England, Germany, Israel, India, Malaysia, Turkey, USA, France and JAR). In 1993, about 160 countries recognized the independence of Uzbekistan and established diplomatic relations with 60 countries. In 1993, The First President of the Republic of Uzbekistan Islam Karimov visited Germany, France, England, the Netherlands, Japan and India. As a result of the visit, an agreement on cultural cooperation was signed with India, Turkey, Germany, France, Great Britain and China. The development of public diplomacy has played a significant role in the Uzbek Culture Days in Germany and the German Cultural Days in Uzbekistan. At the same time, the role of art and theater days in the countries in the development of cooperation between two countries in the sphere of culture was particularly significant. The role of friendship societies and cultural centers in the development of bilateral relations between two states in Eurasia – Germany and Uzbekistan is immense. The role of "Uzbekistan-Germany" Friendship Society and "Germany-Uzbekistan" societies, which unite representatives of two nations in the development of cooperation within the framework of people diplomacy are unique.
Readmission which reflects capacity to manage patients and general level of medical services has been known for one of the causes of medical expenditure due to inefficient service. Compared to disease-specific readmission, hospital wide readmission (HWR) is relatively easy to understand, and has merit to get over limitation of collateral medical services assessment; therefore, a growing interest in development and usage of readmission indicator as quality of care indicator focusing on all-disease is detected. In this study, we investigate current state of risk standardized readmission rate indicator used in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada, and examine the considerations when using readmission rate as quality indicator in Korea. Differences in risk-adjustment methods were showed among countries. The United States do not control race not to hide socio-demographic factors on readmission. Canada shows differentiation compared to other countries about reflecting community factors. All three-countries utilize readmission rate as monitoring quality of care rather than incentives or penalty due to the fact that readmission rate could not represent the whole quality of hospital and has a limitation at controlling socio-economic factors. Therefore, for usage readmission rate as quality indicator in Korea, preparing readmission classification standard for Korean medical environment and additional methods for acquiring information by using discharge summary is need. Moreover, continued discussion with clinical specialists is needed for obtain clinical reliability and validity. ; open
In: Bo , P 2014 , ' A Study of the BRICS Bank from the Perspective of Global Financial Governance ' , Journal of China and International Relations , bind 2 , nr. 2 , s. 50-57 . https://doi.org/10.5278/ojs.jcir.v2i2.939
The transition of the global financial governance system is a history of the rise and fall of the Western advanced countries in the post-war international political and economic system. Since the end of the Second World War, the International Monetary Foundation and the World Bank have always taken the dominant role in the field of global financial governance. However, after the beginning of the global financial crisis in 2008, many drawbacks have become apparent concerning these two significant institutions, such as the lack of representatives, the slow and ineffective response to the crisis, etc. Following a strong appeal from the developing countries (with the emerging powers as their representatives), the global financial governance system has experienced several rounds of reforms which have yet to yield acceptable results. Therefore, it is highly necessary to create a new institution which can play a complementary role in the existing financial governance system rather than overthrow it. Complying with the tide of history, the official establishment of the BRICS Bank can be of great significance to the reform of current global financial governance systems such as diversifying the global financial governance bodies, representing the interests of developing countries in a better way, enhancing the status and improving the importance of emerging economies in the international political and economic order. Admittedly, the BRICS Bank also faces great challenges and limits such as the lack of a core leadership and the absence of a unified currency, etc.
by Ngan Nga Wing. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 220-236). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgments --- p.iii ; Table of Contents --- p.iv ; List of Tables --- p.xi ; List of Figures --- p.xiii ; List of Abbreviations --- p.xiv ; Chapter CHAPTER ONE --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Background --- p.1 ; Context of the Study --- p.2 ; Ethnic Chinese and Their Business --- p.2 ; Ethnic Chinese and Homeward Investment --- p.4 ; Guanxi and the Contemporary Socialist China --- p.5 ; The Notion of Guanxi and Instrumental Relationships --- p.7 ; Area of Study --- p.10 ; Physical Environment of Fuj ian Province --- p.10 ; Economic Development Since 1949 --- p.10 ; "Reasons of Selecting Jinjiang, Fujian " --- p.11 ; Objectives of the Study --- p.12 ; A Brief of the Thesis --- p.13 ; Chapter CHAPTER TWO --- METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES --- p.14 ; Introduction --- p.14 ; Research Designs And Methods --- p.15 ; Choice of the Method-Qualitative Method --- p.15 ; Data Collection From Human Resources --- p.20 ; Purposive and Emergent Sampling --- p.21 ; Data Collection in the Field --- p.22 ; In-depth Interviews --- p.23 ; Group Interviews --- p.26 ; Participant Observation --- p.28 ; Secondary Data in the Field --- p.29 ; Some Critical Reflection in the Field --- p.30 ; Data Collection From Non-human Resources --- p.32 ; Inductive Data Analysis --- p.33 ; Categorization --- p.33 ; Triangulation --- p.34 ; Network Analysis --- p.35 ; Case Reporting --- p.36 ; Tape Recording --- p.37 ; Verbatim --- p.38 ; Narrative --- p.38 ; Validity And The Issue Of Subjectivity --- p.39 ; Summary --- p.41 ; Chapter CHAPTER THREE --- ETHNIC CHINESE AND THEIR BUSINESS CULTURE --- p.42 ; Introduction --- p.42 ; Economic Success of Ethnic Chinese --- p.43 ; Hostile Business Environments --- p.45 ; Political Environment --- p.45 ; Restriction of the Scope of Economic Activities --- p.47 ; Restriction on Capital Participation of Ethnic Chinese --- p.49 ...
학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 외교학과, 2012. 2. 신범식. ; 본 논문의 핵심 질문은 색깔 혁명 발생으로 민주화에 성공한 그루지야와 우크라이나의 이후 민주주의 발전 양상은 왜 달랐는가이다. 색깔 혁명 이후, 우크라이나의 민주주의는 진전을 보였지만, 그루지야는 그렇지 못했다. 본 연구는 색깔혁명 이후 미국과 러시아의 갈등 구도와 양국의 대(對) 그루지야, 우크라이나 정책이 각국의 국내 엘리트-대중 관계에서 엘리트 자율성, 그리고 민주화에 미친 영향에 주목하였다. 9.11 테러 이후 미국과 러시아는 협력 체제에 있었지만, 색깔 혁명의 발생으로 인해 양국은 갈등 구도에 들어서게 된다. 그루지야와 우크라이나는 미․러 갈등 구도의 중심에 있었다. 활용가능성의 요인으로 인해, 그루지야는 우크라이나보다 전략적 가치가 더 큰 곳이었다. 미․러 갈등 구도 속에서 그루지야 집권 엘리트들은 높은 엘리트 자율성을 가질 수 있었다. 미국은 그루지야에게 큰 경제 원조, 정치적 지원을 하였다. 또한 그루지야-러시아 관계 악화와 2008년 전쟁 발발은 정권의 권위주의 정책을 정당화하고 국내를 결집시키는 기제로 작용하여 그루지야 집권 엘리트들이 높은 자율성을 갖게 해주었고, 이는 민주화 저해로 이어졌다. 우크라이나는 그루지야와 반대였다. 미․러 갈등 구도 속에서 우크라이나 엘리트들은 낮은 자율성을 가졌다. 우크라이나의 집권 엘리트들은 서방과 러시아 양측 모두로부터 확고한 정치적, 경제적 지원을 얻을 수 없었다. 오히려 러시아의 정책으로 인해 국내의 반 오렌지, 대항 엘리트가 공고해지면서, 집권 엘리트의 자율성은 낮아졌다. 엘리트들의 낮은 자율성과 대중에 대한 높은 의존성은 대중 영합주의 정책과 정국 불안의 결과를 낳았으나, 이는 오렌지 혁명 이후 우크라이나 민주주의의 발전을 제한적으로나마 가능하게 해주었다. 본 연구는 민주화 연구에서 그동안 비교적 주목을 덜 받아온 국제적 요인을 다루고, 외교 정책, 국내 엘리트-대중 관계, 민주화의 연계를 통합적으로 보여준다는 점에서 함의가 있다. 본고는 많은 기존 연구들이 상정해 온, 민주화에 대한 서구 민주화 증진 정책의 긍정적 영향과 권위주의 국가의 부정적 영향이라는 단순한 명제의 한계를 드러내주고 있다. 또한 민주주의 지원 정책에서 민주화 단계별로 정책을 달리할 필요성에 대해서 시사한다. ; What caused the difference in democratic trajectories between Georgia and Ukraine after the Color Revolutions? Since the occurrence of the Color Revolutions, Georgia's democracy has laid in tatters, whereas Ukraine has achieved a relatively successful democracy. Georgia and Ukraine share similar domestic determinants which have been discussed in previous democratization literature. This study, however, focuses on the international factor as an explanation for the different democratic fates of democracy between the two countries. Comparing both countries, this thesis uses a framework that integrates international factors, elite autonomy in domestic elite-mass relations, and democratization. The study argues that international factors, specifically the foreign policies of the US and Russia, provide an explanation for the difference in democratic outcomes for the two countries. Following the events of September 11, 2001, US-Russian relations improved. However, the occurrence of the Color Revolutions caused deterioration in the ties between the two countries, and both started to adopt different foreign policies towards the post-Soviet region. Caught in the middle of this conflict between the two great powers were Georgia and Ukraine. The unconditional US support for Georgia and Russia's assertive policy towards Georgia which culminated in the Russian-Georgian War in 2008 enabled the Georgian elites to attain high elite autonomy, thus resulting in democratic stagnation for Georgia. In contrast, Ukraine did not garner the support of either the US or Russia; rather, it was pressured by Russia. The anti-Orange elites in Ukraine were effectively supported by Russia, and, thus, were able to function as a forceful political opposition to the incumbent elites. Therefore, the Ukrainian elites only garnered low autonomy, which resulted in democratic progress in Ukraine despite domestic political chaos. This study contributes to further understanding of the impact of international factors upon democratization. In addition, this thesis creates implications for democracy promotion policy. The conclusion of the thesis challenges the predominant assumption that Western democracy promotion is conducive to actually democratization, and that authoritarian countries' authoritarian promotion policy is harmful to democratization. In the process of democracy promotion policy, policymakers and implementers need both careful monitoring of the process of democratic assistance and coordination with other countries. ; Master
It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]
It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]
학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :인문대학 국사학과,2019. 8. 정용욱. ; This paper analyzes the organization and activities of the UNKRA(United Nations Korean Reconstruction Agency), which was established and operated under the UN General Assembly in the 1950s for Korean rehabilitation and reconstruction. Through this, this research tries to understand the problem of economic reconstruction in Korea after the Korean War. When UNKRA was founded, the United Nations forces anticipated military success and an early cessation of hostalities. However, Chinese intervention in Korea might prolong hostilites and hamper rehabilitation and recovery indefinitely. In the early years, UNKRA could not fully implement the reconstruction program until the military situation had settled down. Instead, it operated under military supervision. During the war, UNKRA mainly seconded its experts to the UNCACK(United Nations Civil Assistance Command in Korea). After September 1952, CINCUNC, UNKRA and the Government of the Republic of Korea agreed to start as much basic rehabilitation and reconsruction program as the military situation would allow. Nevertheless, the general situation had made it necessary to accord the first priority to the importation of consumer goods. Furthermore, UNKRA proceeded to develop comprehensive plans and programs in the support of the UN specialized agencies and the Nathan Associates. The Nathan Associates developed the Five-Year Plan for the reconstruction of Korea, which meant Korea could achieve economic independence in five years. It suggested that the major portion of investment would go into sectors of physical production and distribution where the direct, measurable impacts on national output would be heaviest and quickest. However, despite of the desirability of a large social investment programs in Korea after the Korean War, they did not emphasize upon social investment because of limited resources for reconstruction. After Armistice in July 1953, UNKRA actually launched the reconstruction program. However, UNKRA could not take over responsibility for all relief and rehabilitation activities because the United States developed a defense support program for South Korea after the war. That is, UNKRA was assigned a certain segment to operate and the rehabilitation of the war was coordinated through the OEC(Office of the Economic Coordinator). Nevertheless, UNKRA was independent from the defense support program of the United States and could emphasize on non-military areas of the economy. UNKRA's largest over-all investment allocation was made in the idustrial field. UNKRA undertook the reconstruction of the major industrial plants and the construction of new manufacturing facilities in the important sectors of manufacturing industries. In spite of many problems in operation and shortages of funds, it provided the capital and engineering for industrial expansion in Korea. ; 본고는 1950년대 한국의 전후 재건과 부흥을 위해 유엔 총회 산하에 설립되어 활동했던 유엔한국재건단(UNKRA: United Nations Korean Reconstruction Agency)의 조직과 활동을 고찰하였다. 재건단 원조는 1950년대 대한원조의 주축이었던 미국의 대한원조와는 독립된 방식으로 운영되었다. 그러므로 본고는 재건단의 설립과 위상변화 과정, 재건구상과 활동의 실제를 살펴보고 그 의미를 밝히고자 하였다. 유엔한국재건단은 한국전쟁에서 유엔군이 승리하여 조속히 전투가 종료되고 통일이 이루어질 것이라는 전망 속에서 설립된 기구였다. 재건단은 전투 종료 이후 통일된 한반도에서 긴급 구호와 기초시설의 재건, 생산성 확대에 이르기까지 대한원조 전반을 총괄하는 기구로서 수립되었다. 그러나 1950년 12월 1일 수립 이후 전쟁이 장기화되면서 독자적인 활동영역을 확보하지 못하였고, 유엔군사령부가 경제원조를 포함하여 한국에서의 전반적인 권한을 보유하는 가운데 재건단은 주로 유엔사의 활동을 보조하는 위치에 머물렀다. 그리하여 전시에 재건단은 본격적인 사업에 돌입하지 못하는 대신, 유엔사 산하에서 구호와 단기복구를 담당하는 기관인 유엔한국민사처(UNCACK)에 민간인력을 파견하는 것으로 주요 활동을 대체하였다. 1952년 중반 이후 전선이 안정되고 한국 경제의 위기가 심화되면서 유엔사, 한국정부, 재건단 사이에 본격적인 재건사업이 시작되어야 한다는 합의에 이르렀지만, 극심한 인플레이션으로 인해 재건단의 활동은 일부 소비재를 수입하는 것에 그쳤다. 이와 더불어 전시 재건단은 전쟁 종료 후 본격적인 재건사업에 돌입하는 단계를 준비하며 각종 조사를 실시했다. 재건단의 의뢰에 의해 유엔 전문기구들은 농·수산업, 교육, 보건 등 분야별 조사를 담당하였고, 네이산 협회는 이를 포괄하는 전반적인 재건계획을 제출하였다. 재건단의 의뢰로 작성된 네이산 보고서는 한국에서 5년 간의 재건계획을 수행하여 전전과 비슷한 생활수준을 회복하고, 국제수지의 균형을 맞출 수 있을 것으로 전망하였다. 이를 위해 생산영역에 집중적으로 투자하면서, 농산물, 수산물, 광물 등 자연자원을 개발하여 수출을 증진한다는 계획을 제시하였다. 전후 한국사회에서 주택, 보건, 복지 등의 분야에 대한 필요가 절실했지만, 사회서비스나 복지 분야는 직접적인 생산력 증대를 불러오는 분야가 아니라는 점에서 재건계획 상 상대적으로 후순위에 배치되었다. 1953년 7월 휴전협정 체결 이후 재건단은 본격적으로 재건사업에 착수하였다. 그러나 이때에도 재건단은 한국 재건사업에서 전반적인 권한을 보유하지 못했는데, 미국의 전후 구상에 따라 방위지원을 주축으로 하는 미국의 대한원조가 중심이 되고 유엔 원조기구의 위상이 상대적으로 축소되었기 때문이다. 결국 재건단은 미국 원조기관과의 협의에 따라 한정된 영역에서만 사업을 진행할 수 있었다. 그럼에도 재건단은 독자적인 조직을 유지하며 담당 부문에서 자체 사업을 진행하였고, 원조의 내용에서도 미국 원조와는 다른 특성을 보였다. 즉 미국 원조가 주로 소비재 판매대금을 통해 막대한 국방비를 충당하고 경제를 안정화하는 데 초점을 맞추었던 것과 달리, 재건단은 장기적으로 한국경제의 생산력을 증진시키는 것이 필요하다고 보고 시설투자와 기술원조가 결합된 형태의 원조를 주로 진행하였다. 재건단 원조에서 전시기에 걸쳐 가장 많은 비중을 차지한 것은 공업 부문이었다. 재건단의 공업 부문 원조는 소비재에서 생산재까지 여러 분야에 걸쳐 진행되었고, 노후화된 기존 시설을 대체하고 전쟁으로 파괴된 시설을 복구하는 것 이상으로 신규투자를 통해 새롭게 공장을 건설하기도 했다. 특히 재건단은 중소규모 기업에 자금과 기술, 시설을 제공하는 한편, 면방직 공업이나 시멘트 공업, 판유리 공업과 같은 몇몇 분야를 전략적으로 성장시켜 국내 생산을 증가시키고 수입을 대체하고자 했다. 이와 같은 재건단의 원조는 운영상의 여러 문제점을 노정하였으나, 한국의 초기 전후 복구 과정에 상당 부분 기여했다. ; 머리말 1 一. 전시 유엔한국재건단의 설립과 재건구상 7 1. 재건단의 설립과 유엔군사령부와의 관계 정립 7 2. 전후 재건구상 18 二. 전후 유엔한국재건단의 조직과 활동 25 1. 휴전 이후 재건단의 대외적 위상 변화 25 2. 재건단 내부의 조직운영과 예산 구성 34 3. 재건단의 활동 분석―공업 부문을 중심으로 47 맺음말 59 참고문헌 62 Abstract 67 ; Master
