At the time of its inception, the EEC's founders already expressed their desire to institute on the territory of the future integration an economic & monetary union with the aim of creating "the United States of Europe." The 1962 program of the European Commission for the Community's Development was designed along these lines. Following a number of years of successful economic cooperation of member states, the creation of the monetary union was negotiated at the 1998 Maastricht meeting, while the beginning of the implementation was envisaged for early 1999. The 1997 Luxembourg meeting was a turning point in the EU's development. The extension of the EU was agreed upon, & the third stage of the EMU worked out. The EU's future development "in five gears" was devised, & the countries were categorized into groups according to the level in which they satisfy the conditions necessary for acceptance. Further, the EU offers to those transitional countries that satisfy the necessary conditions for further cooperation the "partnership prior to membership" a new way of cooperation that provides financial support to transitional countries to pave the way for them to join the EU. Croatia has shown interest for all kinds of links with the EU, particularly via the associate membership as a step to full membership. There is no doubt that the introduction of the new pan-European currency as well as all the changes occurring within the EU are going to affect the Croatian economy. Croatia has stepped up its preparations for getting in line with the new economic & financial developments emerging in Europe, which will be triggered by the establishment of the European Monetary Union (EMU). 13 References. Adapted from the source document.
Understanding Central Europe as a particular European region is based on historical & cultural heritage of the Mitteleuropa & on the revival of the Central European identity in the 1980s. Central European regional cooperation has been promoted in the late 1980s & early 1990s, particularly through the following cooperation schemes: Pentagonale/Central European Initiative (now dissolved), the Vishegrad Group, & the Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA). These schemes have been supported by the European Union & they fit its strategy of widening that is now based on the differentiated integration, which implies strengthening of economic & monetary union & defense union. The European Union tends to link the Central European region to the Baltic countries, rather than connect it with Southeastern Europe, which is regarded as a special case, covered by the peace restoration strategy. Central Europe is a region of uneven development & very diversified cultures & peoples. It is therefore difficult to treat it as a structured European region. EU focuses on a number of states that form "the intersection of different areas of integration," & in this respect Central Europe may be best understood as a development & transformation project that might create a new type of differentiated relationships among states & cultures within Central Europe & between Central Europe & the European Union. Focusing on Central Europe may turn the region into the central project of European development. Adapted from the source document.
The real reasons that run counter to the conclusion that "the Balkan market" is essential for the economic development of Croatia are discussed. The author's thesis is that the West European market (particularly Italian & German markets) is crucial for Croatia & that it has always been so, even when Croatia was a part of the former Yugoslavia. That is why it is thought that Croatia's acceptance of the American notion of an economic integration of Southeast European states would be detrimental to Croatia. The same applies to the European Union's "regional approach," which links EU's cooperation with Croatia to Croatia's cooperation with the states on the territory of the former Yugoslavia. These assertions are corroborated with the statistical data on the trends in Croatian trade & other economic relations, before & after Croatia's independence. The author also pleads for the necessity of Croatia's economic cooperation with its neighboring states, in line with its interests -- the real measure of the relations among sovereign states. Adapted from the source document.
The main task of the Swiss security policy up to the collapse of the bipolar system was the country's military defense. The content of its defense doctrine was elaborated on & further expanded as total defense in the non-military direction. The end of the cold war marked a departure from the classical defense doctrine & also relativized the mythological character of permanent neutrality, forcing Switzerland to redefine its security policy in the altered European security setting. The expansion of the concept of security went hand in hand with an increased interest in international peace efforts & international cooperation. In the meantime, Switzerland's instruments & activities have multiplied in both fields. In certain aspects, eg, the control of the policy of disarmament & armament, Switzerland has excelled. Concerning the new forms of threats & intimidation it has shown willingness for across-the-border cooperation, while the traditional formula security through neutrality & independence increasingly gives way to the new motto: Security through cooperation -- a shift from its time-honored foreign- & security/political course of restrictive & detached attitude towards a more intensive cooperation. Although conceptually the development of Swiss security policy & consequently its shift towards some peace policy has not been even remotely supported by a satisfactory redistribution of financial & personal resources, the Swiss military reform -- introduced in early 2004 -- is de facto a conceptual accommodation of the Swiss military force to the new plan on European security. Switzerland has become a member of the PfP although, due to its policy of neutrality, it is not planning to join the NATO. Nevertheless, Switzerland is vacillating between the EU membership & a more substantial rapprochement with the NATO, at the same time putting all its hopes into the development of global management under the direction of the United Nations & the joint security system. 2 Tables, 3 Figures, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.
Mediterranean cooperation is addressed in the context of the creation of the Euromediterranean zone. The European Union has been developing various modes of cooperation with non-member Mediterranean countries by signing association agreements or cooperation agreements. The new European states, created after the disintegration of former socialist federations, demonstrate an interest in Mediterranean cooperation, though they tend to have different attitudes toward it. Their interest is based solely on the fact that Mediterranean cooperation has not been standardized & that it has a poorly developed institutional framework. This enables these countries to join in from time to time, when it suits their purposes. Regarding the role of the new states, the author distinguishes between two types of cooperation: (1) autonomous regional cooperation, which is not beneficial for the new states (eg, the Balkan states); & (2) occasional, specialized, dispersed cooperation, which might attract the countries of Central & Eastern Europe. Adapted from the source document.
Historically & geographically, the transitional countries of Central, Eastern, & Southeastern Europe, created by the collapse of the real-socialist system, have always been oriented toward the West European markets & eager to create close economic & political ties with the EU member countries & to be integrated into the Western economic system. The EU leaders are well aware of the economic hardships these new transitional countries are faced with, & realize that it will take them several years to adjust to the new system of values & behavior. With this in mind, they came up with a proposal to create an integration of these transitional countries under the advisory leadership, & with the active help, of the EU economic agencies. One of the positive goals of the idea of integration by means of CEFTA was to establish a relatively homogeneous economic entity & create the conditions necessary for future successful economic cooperation with the EU. The cooperation of the transitional countries & the EU so far has shown some promise, but also some shortcomings, which ought to be eliminated, or at least have their negative consequences minimized. There are two types of shortcomings -- institutional & the material -- & they depend on the degree of development of a transitional country, its legal norms, & other (political, social, & cultural) noneconomic factors. 2 Tables. Adapted from the source document.
The author analyzes recent Habermas' writings on the process of European integration & the new international political order. Having for a long time ignored the issues of foreign policy, in his recent works & speeches Habermas has increasingly turned to these topics. The supranational level is becoming important both due to the more severe limitations to state sovereignty in the process of globalization, & because of the development of new mechanisms of international cooperation & the new regional economic-political integrations. In his theory of democracy at the national level, he emphasizes its deliberative character & shows public communication as the central sphere of mediation between the informal (private) opinions & the institutions of the formation of political will. However, today it is necessary to go beyond the boundaries of the nation-state & establish the parallel mechanisms of political deliberation & decision-making at the international level. The most important step in that direction are regional integrations (in Europe, naturally, it is the European Union). The regional integrations must supplement the UN institutions to compensate for the loss of the ability to govern at the national level & to create a counterbalance to global capitalism. In this context it is important to get the answers to a certain crisis of the EU identity. The European Union today is often seen as a mechanism of bureaucratic management & restrictive regulation, instead of as a guarantor of good life. Habermas thinks that Europe should focus on the guarantees of fundamental rights & values such as the right to education, social justice, autonomy & participation. For that purpose, the European Union should develop into a federal state. To the Euro-skeptical objection that Europe lacks a state-building nation i.e a unified nation as the foundation of political community, Habermas responds that the European civil sodety, European public & the common political culture -- if, indeed, they can be built -- are sufficient for Europe's political unity. The process of designing & adopting the European Constitution has strengthened all three components. The Constitution also helps to explain the objectives of the European integration (boundaries of EU's expansion, interrelationship among levels of goverment) & to enhance legitimacy by creating a fundamental legal act, its the design of which European citizens are involved. For Habermas, the crisis of European unity caused by the disunity of the member-countries' governments over the American war in Iraq is an opportunity. The mobilization of the European civil society against that war (as demonstrated by the pan-European peace demonstrations of 15 February 2003) & the creation of the model of the procedurally well-ordered international politics & cooperation which boosts economic development & social security serve as the counterbalance to the American unilateralism & the aspiration for domination. Habermas supports the model of "multispeed Europe" & thinks that it will not cause a rift in the EU, but can as a matter of fact dynamize the process of European integration. The author concludes that Habermas' political views of the European integration & international politics contain a remarkable dose of utopism. However, the attempt to see beyond the limitations of the existing political reality is a must if these limitations are to be overcome. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.
Three events characterize the development of the European Community in 1992 & 1993: the completion of a unified European market, the signing of the European Union Contract, & the establishment of a European economic space with EFTA countries. One of the main hindrances is the fact that the decisions taken are being implemented in different ways from one member state to another, which creates difficulties in the accomplishment of the European Community's aims. These can be classified into three basic groups: the development of an economic & monetary union, the strengthening of institutions & the democratization of the European Community, & the defining of a common foreign security policy. Adapted from the source document.
The author analyzes recent Habermas' writings on the process of European integration & the new international political order. Having for a long time ignored the issues of foreign policy, in his recent works & speeches Habermas has increasingly turned to these topics. The supranational level is becoming important both due to the more severe limitations to state sovereignty in the process of globalization, & because of the development of new mechanisms of international cooperation & the new regional economic-political integrations. In his theory of democracy at the national level, he emphasizes its deliberative character & shows public communication as the central sphere of mediation between the informal (private) opinions & the institutions of the formation of political will. However, today it is necessary to go beyond the boundaries of the nation-state & establish the parallel mechanisms of political deliberation & decision-making at the international level. The most important step in that direction are regional integrations (in Europe, naturally, it is the European Union). The regional integrations must supplement the UN institutions to compensate for the loss of the ability to govern at the national level & to create a counterbalance to global capitalism. In this context it is important to get the answers to a certain crisis of the EU identity. The European Union today is often seen as a mechanism of bureaucratic management & restrictive regulation, instead of as a guarantor of good life. Habermas thinks that Europe should focus on the guarantees of fundamental rights & values such as the right to education, social justice, autonomy & participation. For that purpose, the European Union should develop into a federal state. To the Euro-skeptical objection that Europe lacks a state-building nation i.e a unified nation as the foundation of political community, Habermas responds that the European civil sodety, European public & the common political culture -- if, indeed, they can be built -- are sufficient for Europe's political unity. The process of designing & adopting the European Constitution has strengthened all three components. The Constitution also helps to explain the objectives of the European integration (boundaries of EU's expansion, interrelationship among levels of goverment) & to enhance legitimacy by creating a fundamental legal act, its the design of which European citizens are involved. For Habermas, the crisis of European unity caused by the disunity of the member-countries' governments over the American war in Iraq is an opportunity. The mobilization of the European civil society against that war (as demonstrated by the pan-European peace demonstrations of 15 February 2003) & the creation of the model of the procedurally well-ordered international politics & cooperation which boosts economic development & social security serve as the counterbalance to the American unilateralism & the aspiration for domination. Habermas supports the model of "multispeed Europe" & thinks that it will not cause a rift in the EU, but can as a matter of fact dynamize the process of European integration. The author concludes that Habermas' political views of the European integration & international politics contain a remarkable dose of utopism. However, the attempt to see beyond the limitations of the existing political reality is a must if these limitations are to be overcome. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.
One of the rules of international economic relations is that small countries are more dependent on intense international economic cooperation than are large states. This cooperation is not, in principle, completely liberalized, but depends on a number of multilateral & bilateral agreements. Aspiring to put in order its own economic position internationally, Croatia was first directed to regulate its relations with the European community. In these efforts, Croatia was faced with unequal treatment compared to Poland, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, & Slovenia. The author shows that this unfavorable attitude toward Croatia is partially the result of political demands & the interests of the European community. Adapted from the source document.
The policy of inclusion into the existing & future economic order in Europe by the countries of the New Democracy will be carried out gradually & in concordance with the agreements on association. Although the establishment of relationships with the European Community is not an instrumental, political, & institutional question, as it is, eg, with the UN, Croatia's position in Europe will be determined by the degree of the bilateral agreement that Croatia will have achieved in its dealings with the European Community. Since this is a matter of very complex & far-reaching forms of adaptation & cooperation with the European Community, Croatian European policy ought to be formed in a way that would allow the country to fulfill the requirements for the establishment of such a relationship with the European Community that, with the stabilizing of the present war circumstances, might bring about the signing of a second-generation agreement. Adapted from the source document.
The author presents a view of the European Community with regard to the European Union's stance toward new democracies in Eastern Europe. The original principles of European integration include a relatively simple procedure for new membership, but in the process of developing, adopting, & accepting the Maastricht treaty the entry requirements have been severely sharpened for potential new members. These conditions include the general attachment to the European identity, democratic government, & respect for human rights. For new eastern European democracies, a probationary membership status in the European Union was created in the form of the European Agreement, which contains very special conditions & progressive privileges for economic cooperation with the Union. Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, & Slovenia have been included in the European Agreement. The author concludes that this fact will make it harder for other countries to deal with the Union. Adapted from the source document.
Cilj istraživanja bio je ispitati stavove srednjoškolskih učenika, njihovih roditelja i profesora o nekim europskim vrijednostima. Prihvaćenost pojedinih europskih vrijednosti ispitana je s obzirom na spol, dob, vrstu srednje škole koju pohađaju učenici, školsku spremu roditelja, regionalnu i nacionalnu pripadnost ispitanika. Uzorak čini 2143 učenika srednjih škola, 1027 roditelja srednjoškolaca te 181 profesor. Na temelju dobivenih rezultata može se zaključiti da postoji statistički značajna razlika među učenicima s obzirom na regionalnu pripadnost u stupnju prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti. Najviši stupanj prihvaćanja iskazuju učenici Primorsko-goranske županije, koji se značajno razlikuju u stupnju prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti od svojih vršnjaka iz Istarske županije. Učenici starije dobi pokazuju viši stupanj prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti za razliku od mlađih učenika. Isto tako, srednjoškolke pokazuju viši stupanj prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti u odnosu na svoje muške kolege. Postoji statistički značajna razlika između roditelja muškog i ženskog spola u stupnju prihvaćanja europskih vrednota u korist muških ispitanika, koji pokazuju viši stupanj prihvaćanja europskih vrednota od ženskih ispitanika. Na kraju, dobiveni rezultati pokazuju da ne postoji statistički značajna razlika u stupnju prihvaćanja europskih vrijednosti s obzirom na spol, dob i nacionalnu pripadnost profesora srednjih škola. ; The aim of this study was to examine the attitudes of high school students, their parents and teachers towards some European values. The acceptance of certain European values was examined in relation to subjects' gender, age, type of high school, parents' education, regional and national affiliation. The sample comprised 2143 high school students, 1027 high school students' parents and 181 teachers. The results show the statistically significant difference in the degree of acceptance of European values between students of different regional affinity. Students from the Primorsko-goranska county show the highest level of acceptance, which is statistically different from the one obtained in their peer group from Istarska county. The degree of acceptance is higher in the group of older female students in comparison with younger male students. Furthermore, female high school students show higher degree of acceptance then their male peers. There is a statistically significant difference in the acceptance of European values between male and female parents: male parents show higher acceptance of those values in comparison with female parents. Finally, the results showed no statistically significant difference in the degree of acceptance of European values in regard to gender, age and national affiliation of high school teachers. ; Die Untersuchung hatte zum Ziel, die Einstellungen von Mittelschülern, deren Eltern und Lehrern zu einigen europäischen Werten zu überprüfen. Die Akzeptanz einzelner europäischer Werte wurde im Hinblick auf Geschlecht und Alter der Mittelschüler, Art der von ihnen besuchten Mitelschule, Schulausbildung der Eltern, regionale und ethnische Zugehörigkeit der Befragten untersucht. Befragt wurden 2143 Mittelschüler, 1027 Eltern von Mittelschülern und 181 Lehrer. Auf Grund der gewonnenen Ergebnisse kann gefolgert werden, dass der Grad der Akzeptanz europäischer Werte unter den Schülern eine statistisch bedeutende Abweichung im Hinblick auf deren regionale Zugehörigkeit aufweist. Die größte Akzeptanz äußerten die Schüler aus dem Kroatischen Küstenland (Hrvatsko primorje), deren positive Einstellungen sich bedeutend von den Einstellungen ihrer Altersgenossen aus Istrien unterscheiden. Die Schülerinnen höherer Altersstufen äußerten eine höhere Akzeptanz europäischer Werte als die jüngeren Schüler. Gleichermaßen zeigen die Mittelschülerinnen einen höheren Zustimmungsgrad als deren männliche Kollegen. Es gibt einen statistisch bedeutsamen Unterschied zwischen den Eltern männlichen und weiblichen Geschlechts im Hinblick auf deren Akzeptieren von europäischen Werten zugunsten der männlichen Befragten, die einen höheren Grad der Akzeptanz europäischer Werte aufweisen als die weiblichen Befragten. Darüber hinaus lassen die gewonnenen Ergebnisse den Schluss zu, dass es keinen statistisch bedeutenden Unterschied im Grad der Annehmbarkeit europäischer Werte gibt im Hinblick auf Geschlecht, Alter und ethnische Zugehörigkeit der Mittelschullehrer.
The author claims there are various types of tolerance. He defines tolerance as a dispositional feature of human beings vs other human beings. The basic formula of democratic tolerance runs as follows: mutual tolerance is better than both the risks of tyranny due to intolerance & the risks of a civil war. It disguises the latent aggressiveness underlying our democratic societies. Dangerous developments have been detected for the future of the European Union. It is faced with a choice: Is it going to develop according in the direction of national states or the Europeanization of national states? The first leads into an increasing intolerance. The solution lies in tolerance, which can be preserved by the Europeanization of democracy. Adapted from the source document.
