The Treaty of Lisbon, in line with the failed Constitutional Treaty and in the sequence of several initiatives which had taken place, came to provide for the mechanism of permanent structured cooperation. The goal of this mechanism is to enable the arising of a vanguard of Member States, eventually ready to form the embryo of a future European Union's exclusive defence system. Although permanent structured cooperation represents a step towards the application of the "community method" to security and defence of the European Union, it doesn't still fit in that pattern. Only future can tell, if permanent structured cooperation is likely to provide the European Union with a security and defence policy based on the "community method".
Today, Europe is living a new decisive time as it has been in its past after World War II, in search of unity in diversity in the name of a peace project to safeguard future. If, on the one hand, Europe expresses aspirations for profound changes in its external environment, in the domestic context, it ends up colliding with aspects linked to sovereignty and human rights; on the other hand, in European foreign policy, the model reveals the search to legitimize its action. Precisely, the objective and the motivation of this study seek, through the qualitative methodology in Political Science, to analyse and understand the current context of the European Union in the international system. In fact, it is identified that this new hierarchy of powers, in the reaffirmation of the Westphalian system, where economic power comes, is bound to consolidate the democratic development between the old and new times of international relations in the destiny of Europe. From the results obtained during the analysis, in order to face again the unpredictability of the world scenario, it is a reality that Europe must promote the re-encounter of an alternative role, in other words, to assume its initial project of European edification in the name of equality of circumstances and rights of its affirmation in the global arena.
It is common today, even in the European media, to treat the current crisis of the European Union almost exclusively as an economic crisis. The present article pretends to show that such a focus is not only wrong but is indeed dangerous for the future development of the European Union as a whole. The article will argue that the present economic crisis simply aggravated – and a lot – a crisis of legitimacy through which the European Union has been passing for some time. Showing that the anti-European tendencies which are spreading throughout the countries of the continent threaten the very future of the European project, the article will make suggestion on reforms for the future development of the EU, alerting to the necessity to finally elaborate once again a coherent argument for the continuation of the European integration process which puts the European population at the heart of the political process instead of just austerity.
O autor parte do reconhecimento da existência da atual crise – à semelhança da crise no pós-guerra – para elaborar sobre o significativo percurso no âmbito da cooperação judiciária penal na União Europeia, que acompanhou, por sua vez, a evolução da integração política. A União Europeia encontra-se hoje numa etapa crucial no que respeita à construção de uma jurisdição penal plena, caminho esse parametrizado pelo Tratado de Lisboa, nomeadamente quanto à criação de uma Procuradoria Europeia. Esta poderá vir a desenhar-se como um órgão "federal", com uma atuação concentrada e uniforme para todo o território da União Europeia, como espaço natural da sua jurisdição territorial. ; The author firstly recognizes the existence of the current crisis – similar to the crisis in post-war Europe – to elaborate on the significant path that criminal judicial cooperation in the European Union undertook, sustained by the evolution of political integration. Today the European Union is at a crucial stage in regards to the construction of a full criminal jurisdiction, particularly regarding the creation of a European Public Prosecutor's Office, as parameterized by the Lisbon Treaty. This is likely to emerge as a "federal" agency, with a concentrated and uniform action throughout the territory of the European Union, as the natural area of its territorial jurisdiction.
Networks of nongovernmental organizations dedicated to socio-environmental issues have emerged in recent decades. The involvement of these networks in the international sphere has enabled new approaches to international cooperation. This article introduces the concept of international cooperation and the Global Alliance for Recycling and Sustainable Development (GARSD), a socio-environmental network created by a coalition of NGOs dedicated to promoting recycling of municipal solid waste. This article is the result of a doctoral study conducted using documentary analysis, participant observation and other qualitative data collection methods. The study conclusively finds that it is neessary to analyze the work of these non-state actors within the context of international cooperation between nation states and the possibility of (re)creating political-territorial arrangements, such as networks comprising a variety of actors especially geared towards socio-environmental issues. ; Durante as últimas décadas, surgiram redes de organizações não governamentais que se dedicam aos temas socioambientais. O envolvimento dessas redes com a esfera internacional ocasiona novas abordagens para a cooperação internacional. Apresentar o conceito de cooperação internacional e a rede socioambiental Global Alliance for Recycling and Sustainable Development - GARSD é o objetivo deste artigo. A GARSD, é resultado da coalização de organizações não governamentais dedicadas à promoção da reciclagem de resíduos sólidos urbanos. O artigo é o resultado de pesquisa realizada em processo de doutoramento, que utilizou por procedimentos metodológicos a análise documental, pesquisa participante e a coleta de dados de abordagem qualitativa. Conclusivamente, torna-se inerente analisar as atuações destes atores não estatais diante das relações de cooperação internacional estabelecidas entre Estados Nacionais na possibilidade para a (re)criação de arranjos político-territoriais como a construção de redes entre os diversos atores, especialmente, nos temas socioambientais.
O presente artigo tem como objetivo mostrar como a União Européia, por meio da atividade da Corte de Justiça das Comunidades Européias, vem restringindo a proteção à saúde em nome da efetivação do Mercado Comum Europeu, base da construção européia. Demonstra-se este fato pela análise das mais significativas decisões relativas, direta e indiretamente, à saúde emanadas por essa Corte. Constata-se o esvaziamento da noção de proteção à saúde por meio, principalmente, da interpretação estrita dos artigos(1) do Tratado das Comunidades Européias, que viabilizam a possibilidade de existência de medidas nacionais que contradigam o Direito Comunitário em nome da proteção de certos valores, aqui a saúde. Nesse contexto, a saúde enquanto medida derrogatória, o monopólio farmacêutico, o princípio de precaução encontram-se fortemente enfraquecidos. Esse fato revela o papel que a Corte européia vem assumindo por meio da integração negativa, dentro do atual contexto decisional cada vez mais complexo da União, e a incapacidade desta para traçar objetivos comuns em áreas controvertidas, mas de suma importância, como a da saúde. ; This article aims to highlight how the European Union, throughout the activity of the Court of Justice of the European Communities, has been restricting the protection of health on the behalf of the European Common Market effectiveness. This is shown by the analysis of the most significant decisions related to health. It is noted that the notion of protection of health has been loosing its sense by the strict interpretation of the articles of the European Community Treaty, which actually allows the existence of measures in opposition to the European Law, in the name of the protection of certain major tenets, like the protection of health. In this context, the derogatory measures, pharmaceutical monopoly and principle of precaution find themselves almost weakling. This fact reveals the role played by the European Court through the negative integration process, inside the complex decisional context of the European Union, and its incapacity of establishing common goals in controversial but highly important domains like health.
Abstract This paper aims to reflect about the contradictions of international cooperation for development in Haiti that can be summarized in two perspectives: the North-South cooperation (NSC) and South-South cooperation (SSC). The dynamics of relationships can mix them (N-SSC). We identified governmental and nongovernmental particularly in health, linked to the OECD, the ALBA-TCP and UNASUR as empirical sources for reflection. The OECD privileges the perspective of NSC: commitment of developed nations with undeveloped. It operates mainly through NGOs. The ALBA-TCP and UNASUR have followed the perspective of SSC: commitment and solidarity among nations alike. They emphasize the horizontal partnership based on solidarity, respect for national sovereignty and peculiarities of each country. The resumption of the categories imperialism and internationalism may contribute to the understanding and analysis the contradictions in the international development agenda, illustrated by how these different actor in Haiti organize their actions. While the first one indicates bonding mechanisms geopolitical hierarchy, the latter suggests possibilities for overcoming these mechanisms. Key-words: International cooperation; Haiti; Imperialism; Internationalism; Organizational studies. Resumo Este artigo objetiva refletir sobre contradições da cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento no Haiti, resumidas em duas perspectivas: cooperação Norte-Sul (CNS) e cooperação Sul-Sul (CSS). A dinâmica das relações pode misturá-las (CN-SS). Identificamos atores governamentais e não governamentais, na área da saúde, vinculados à OCDE, à ALBA-TCP e à UNASUL como fontes empíricas para a reflexão. A OCDE se orienta, predominantemente pela CNS, ou seja, pelo compromisso de assistência que os países desenvolvidos oferecem aos subdesenvolvidos. Opera principalmente através de ONGs. Nas ações da ALBA-TCP e da Unasul predominam a perspectiva da CSS: comprometimento solidário entre nações iguais. Enfatizam a parceria horizontal baseada na solidariedade, no respeito à soberania e peculiaridades de cada país. A retomada das categorias imperialismo e internacionalismo contribui para compreensão e análise das contradições na agenda internacional do desenvolvimento, ilustradas pelas formas mediante as quais esses diferentes atores organizam suas ações no Haiti. Enquanto as dos países da OCDE denotam mecanismos geopolíticos hierárquicos, as ações dos países vinculados à ALBA-TCP e da UNASUR sugerem possibilidades de superação desses mecanismos, buscando a cooperação genuína e autodeterminada. Palavras-chave: Cooperação internacional; Haiti; Imperialismo; Internationalismo; Estudos oganizacionais. Resumen En este artículo se reflexiona sobre las contradicciones de la cooperación internacional para el desarrollo en Haití, resumidas en dos puntos de vista: cooperación Norte-Sur (CNS) y cooperación Sur-Sur (CSS). La dinámica de las relaciones pueden mezclarlos (CN-SS). Identificamos los actores gubernamentales y no gubernamentales, en la salud, de la OCDE, del ALBA-TCP y UNASUR como fuentes empíricas para la reflexión. La OCDE se orienta principalmente por la CNS, es decir, ofrecen asistencia a los países sudesarrollados. Opera principalmente a través de ONGs; en las acciones del ALBA-TCP y UNASUR predominan la perspectiva de CSS: el compromiso solidario entre naciones iguales. La énfasis és en la colaboración horizontal basada en la solidaridad, el respeto a la soberanía y las peculiaridades de cada país. La reanudación de las categorías imperialismo y internacionalismo contribuye a la comprensión y el análisis de las contradicciones en la agenda de desarrollo internacional, ilustrada por las formas en que los diferentes actores organizan sus acciones en Haití. Mientras que los países de la OCDE indican mecanismos geopolíticos jerárquicas, las acciones de los países vinculados al ALBA- TCP y UNASUR sugieren posibilidades para la superación de estos mecanismos, buscando la cooperación genuina y autodeterminada. Palabras-clave: Cooperación internacional; Haití, Imperialismo; Internationalismo; Estudios oganizacionales.
Executive Council Thirty-Fourth Ordinary Session 7 – 8 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; The significance of human rights and transitional justice (TJ) cannot be overemphasized. This underscores why Aspiration three (3), "An Africa of good governance, democracy, respect for human rights, justice and the rule of law",and Aspiration four (4), "A peaceful and secured Africa", of Agenda 2063 – The Africa We Want – focus on human rights promotion, silencing the guns by 2020, peace, security and development. In order to accomplish these objectives of Africa's Agenda 2063, a ten-year implementation plan was developed. The year 2015 was dedicated to Women's empowerment and 2016 to human rights, with a special focus on the rights of women
