Suchergebnisse

Understanding Central Europe as a particular European region is based on historical & cultural heritage of the Mitteleuropa & on the revival of the Central European identity in the 1980s. Central European regional cooperation has been promoted in the late 1980s & early 1990s, particularly through the following cooperation schemes: Pentagonale/Central European Initiative (now dissolved), the Vishegrad Group, & the Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA). These schemes have been supported by the European Union & they fit its strategy of widening that is now based on the differentiated integration, which implies strengthening of economic & monetary union & defense union. The European Union tends to link the Central European region to the Baltic countries, rather than connect it with Southeastern Europe, which is regarded as a special case, covered by the peace restoration strategy. Central Europe is a region of uneven development & very diversified cultures & peoples. It is therefore difficult to treat it as a structured European region. EU focuses on a number of states that form "the intersection of different areas of integration," & in this respect Central Europe may be best understood as a development & transformation project that might create a new type of differentiated relationships among states & cultures within Central Europe & between Central Europe & the European Union. Focusing on Central Europe may turn the region into the central project of European development. Adapted from the source document.

At the time of its inception, the EEC's founders already expressed their desire to institute on the territory of the future integration an economic & monetary union with the aim of creating "the United States of Europe." The 1962 program of the European Commission for the Community's Development was designed along these lines. Following a number of years of successful economic cooperation of member states, the creation of the monetary union was negotiated at the 1998 Maastricht meeting, while the beginning of the implementation was envisaged for early 1999. The 1997 Luxembourg meeting was a turning point in the EU's development. The extension of the EU was agreed upon, & the third stage of the EMU worked out. The EU's future development "in five gears" was devised, & the countries were categorized into groups according to the level in which they satisfy the conditions necessary for acceptance. Further, the EU offers to those transitional countries that satisfy the necessary conditions for further cooperation the "partnership prior to membership" a new way of cooperation that provides financial support to transitional countries to pave the way for them to join the EU. Croatia has shown interest for all kinds of links with the EU, particularly via the associate membership as a step to full membership. There is no doubt that the introduction of the new pan-European currency as well as all the changes occurring within the EU are going to affect the Croatian economy. Croatia has stepped up its preparations for getting in line with the new economic & financial developments emerging in Europe, which will be triggered by the establishment of the European Monetary Union (EMU). 13 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper argues that various EU policy initiatives towards the Western Balkans in the period of 1990-1999 did not in fact encourage the Western Balkans to move on and secure quicker integration into the European Union. They also failed to support reforms in the political, economic and social spheres. In addition, EU initiatives were too ineffective in terms of development of regional cooperation among countries of the region. Thus, new models were -- and still are -- needed if the EU remains committed to further enlargement in the Western Balkans. The author proposes development of a euro-region in the Western Balkans. In this way, countries of the Western Balkans would be encouraged to collaborate in applying for EU funding, which would support other forms of cooperation. However, since the funds are now restricted, it is more likely that even this approach would have only limited success. Adapted from the source document.

This paper argues that various EU policy initiatives towards the Western Balkans in the period of 1990-1999 did not in fact encourage the Western Balkans to move on and secure quicker integration into the European Union. They also failed to support reforms in the political, economic and social spheres. In addition, EU initiatives were too ineffective in terms of development of regional cooperation among countries of the region. Thus, new models were -- and still are -- needed if the EU remains committed to further enlargement in the Western Balkans. The author proposes development of a euro-region in the Western Balkans. In this way, countries of the Western Balkans would be encouraged to collaborate in applying for EU funding, which would support other forms of cooperation. However, since the funds are now restricted, it is more likely that even this approach would have only limited success. Adapted from the source document.

The real reasons that run counter to the conclusion that "the Balkan market" is essential for the economic development of Croatia are discussed. The author's thesis is that the West European market (particularly Italian & German markets) is crucial for Croatia & that it has always been so, even when Croatia was a part of the former Yugoslavia. That is why it is thought that Croatia's acceptance of the American notion of an economic integration of Southeast European states would be detrimental to Croatia. The same applies to the European Union's "regional approach," which links EU's cooperation with Croatia to Croatia's cooperation with the states on the territory of the former Yugoslavia. These assertions are corroborated with the statistical data on the trends in Croatian trade & other economic relations, before & after Croatia's independence. The author also pleads for the necessity of Croatia's economic cooperation with its neighboring states, in line with its interests -- the real measure of the relations among sovereign states. Adapted from the source document.

The main task of the Swiss security policy up to the collapse of the bipolar system was the country's military defense. The content of its defense doctrine was elaborated on & further expanded as total defense in the non-military direction. The end of the cold war marked a departure from the classical defense doctrine & also relativized the mythological character of permanent neutrality, forcing Switzerland to redefine its security policy in the altered European security setting. The expansion of the concept of security went hand in hand with an increased interest in international peace efforts & international cooperation. In the meantime, Switzerland's instruments & activities have multiplied in both fields. In certain aspects, eg, the control of the policy of disarmament & armament, Switzerland has excelled. Concerning the new forms of threats & intimidation it has shown willingness for across-the-border cooperation, while the traditional formula security through neutrality & independence increasingly gives way to the new motto: Security through cooperation -- a shift from its time-honored foreign- & security/political course of restrictive & detached attitude towards a more intensive cooperation. Although conceptually the development of Swiss security policy & consequently its shift towards some peace policy has not been even remotely supported by a satisfactory redistribution of financial & personal resources, the Swiss military reform -- introduced in early 2004 -- is de facto a conceptual accommodation of the Swiss military force to the new plan on European security. Switzerland has become a member of the PfP although, due to its policy of neutrality, it is not planning to join the NATO. Nevertheless, Switzerland is vacillating between the EU membership & a more substantial rapprochement with the NATO, at the same time putting all its hopes into the development of global management under the direction of the United Nations & the joint security system. 2 Tables, 3 Figures, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

Mediterranean cooperation is addressed in the context of the creation of the Euromediterranean zone. The European Union has been developing various modes of cooperation with non-member Mediterranean countries by signing association agreements or cooperation agreements. The new European states, created after the disintegration of former socialist federations, demonstrate an interest in Mediterranean cooperation, though they tend to have different attitudes toward it. Their interest is based solely on the fact that Mediterranean cooperation has not been standardized & that it has a poorly developed institutional framework. This enables these countries to join in from time to time, when it suits their purposes. Regarding the role of the new states, the author distinguishes between two types of cooperation: (1) autonomous regional cooperation, which is not beneficial for the new states (eg, the Balkan states); & (2) occasional, specialized, dispersed cooperation, which might attract the countries of Central & Eastern Europe. Adapted from the source document.

Historically & geographically, the transitional countries of Central, Eastern, & Southeastern Europe, created by the collapse of the real-socialist system, have always been oriented toward the West European markets & eager to create close economic & political ties with the EU member countries & to be integrated into the Western economic system. The EU leaders are well aware of the economic hardships these new transitional countries are faced with, & realize that it will take them several years to adjust to the new system of values & behavior. With this in mind, they came up with a proposal to create an integration of these transitional countries under the advisory leadership, & with the active help, of the EU economic agencies. One of the positive goals of the idea of integration by means of CEFTA was to establish a relatively homogeneous economic entity & create the conditions necessary for future successful economic cooperation with the EU. The cooperation of the transitional countries & the EU so far has shown some promise, but also some shortcomings, which ought to be eliminated, or at least have their negative consequences minimized. There are two types of shortcomings -- institutional & the material -- & they depend on the degree of development of a transitional country, its legal norms, & other (political, social, & cultural) noneconomic factors. 2 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

Three events characterize the development of the European Community in 1992 & 1993: the completion of a unified European market, the signing of the European Union Contract, & the establishment of a European economic space with EFTA countries. One of the main hindrances is the fact that the decisions taken are being implemented in different ways from one member state to another, which creates difficulties in the accomplishment of the European Community's aims. These can be classified into three basic groups: the development of an economic & monetary union, the strengthening of institutions & the democratization of the European Community, & the defining of a common foreign security policy. Adapted from the source document.