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The study investigates genesis of the European Union Social Policy and the changes in common social issue over the years. The European Union is not only economic and monetary integration, it is also unify the activities in the social areas. Integration endeavors are not only based on the European Union further enlargement to new members, but also are based on adoption of new regulations on social issues, with the need to enforce them by the Member States. EU regulations only of an economic nature, without social guidelines may lead to incomplete and unstable functioning of the European Union and Single European Market. Over the past decade, the process of European integration has intensified and included more issues and life areas, therefore the position of social policy has strengthen consistently. The increasing globalization and regionalization of economic and social life causes more important role for international institutions such as the European Union, in solving various social matters. European countries are more acutely affected by problems such as high unemployment, poverty, social exclusion and the progressive aging of the population. Consequently cooperation at EU level can lead to stop these processes and can find ways to eliminate the negative effects that appeared among the citizens of Europe.

The article concerns the idea as well as the form of international cooperation between states and international organizations, illustrated by the example of the relationship between the European Union and the Pacific region. There is some useful literature on the subject but this needs be to completed. The influences of the world's leaders collide on the Pacific Ocean, which gives this area primacy in geopolitical domination, slowly downgrading the Atlantic Community. The main purpose of the paper is, therefore, to research the possibilities and methods of legal and extrajudicial cooperation betweentwo continents which are very distant from each other. This work underlines the difference between official policy, presented by the regional intergovernmental organizations, and the individual policies of member states, who are not tied down by Brussels politics and may maintain their own foreign relations. ; The article concerns the idea as well as the form of international cooperation between states and international organizations, illustrated by the example of the relationship between the European Union and the Pacific region. There is some useful literature on the subject but this needs be to completed. The influences of the world's leaders collide on the Pacific Ocean, which gives this area primacy in geopolitical domination, slowly downgrading the Atlantic Community. The main purpose of the paper is, therefore, to research the possibilities and methods of legal and extrajudicial cooperation between two continents which are very distant from each other. This work underlines the difference between official policy, presented by the regional intergovernmental organizations, and the individual policies of member states, who are not tied down by Brussels politics and may maintain their own foreign relations.

The aim of the article is to describe the genesis, role, significance, conditions and effects of economic cooperation of the Visegrad
Group countries in the European Union, with particular emphasis
on their development after 2015. It presents the distinguishing features and specificity of the Group's cooperation before accession to
NATO and the EU in the context of the situation of Central Europe
and other European post-communist countries, as well as the most
important aspects of the political and economic potential of the V4
countries against the background of the EU and selected member
states. Various aspects of their economic cooperation in the region
are discussed, as well as the structural limitations of the role of the
Visegrad Group countries in the EU and related controversy. The
fi nal part contains conclusions relating to the Group's activities
with regard to the main axes of political and economic divisions in
the EU, with particular emphasis placed on economic dimensions.

On August 1, 1994 the Cooperation Agreement between the European Community and the Republic of India on partnership and development entered into force. On June 16, 2004, in the tenth anniversary of the partnership, the European Commission presented the communication "An EU-India Strategic Partnership" in order to intensify cooperation with India. The Republic of India was regarded as a regional and global leader, being able to have equal relations with EU members. This paper is to analise signs of cooperation aimed at stategic partnership, and to present that despite legal and institutional frameworks of cooperation, no comprehensive concept of partnership was implemented. Moreover, years of relations have showned that partners are not equal, as well as that course and speed of cooperation are shaped unilaterally by the European Union. ; On August 1, 1994 the Cooperation Agreement between the European Community and the Republic of India on partnership and development entered into force. On June 16, 2004, in the tenth anniversary of the partnership, the European Commission presented the communication "An EU-India Strategic Partnership" in order to intensify cooperation with India. The Republic of India was regarded as a regional and global leader, being able to have equal relations with EU members. This paper is to analise signs of cooperation aimed at stategic partnership, and to present that despite legal and institutional frameworks of cooperation, no comprehensive concept of partnership was implemented. Moreover, years of relations have showned that partners are not equal, as well as that course and speed of cooperation are shaped unilaterally by the European Union.

Die Vorbereitungen laufen bereits viele Jahre, nun liegt er endlich vor: der Entwurf der Europäischen Kommission für ein Gemeinsames Europäisches Kaufrecht als Optionales Instrument. Beteiligte an den Vorarbeiten und wichtige Kritiker derselben setzen sich in diesem höchst empfehlenswerten Buch mit dem Kommissionsentwurf auseinander. Wie wird die Harmonisierung des europäischen Vertragsrechts durch den Entwurf vorangetrieben? Wie "schlägt" sich der Entwurf im Vergleich zum BGB, zum DCFR oder zu den Acquis-Principles? Beleuchtet werden insbesondere Irrtumsanfechtung, AGB-Kontrolle, allgemeines und besonderes Leistungsstörungsrecht beim Kauf und bei verbundenen Dienstleistungen sowie übergreifende Fragestellungen zum Verbraucherrecht. Der Band wird abgerundet durch eine Synopse des Kommissionsentwurfs und der vorangegangenen Machbarkeitsstudie, in der die Entwicklung des Textes deutlich wird.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Artykuł poświęcony zmieniającym się uwarunkowaniom wewnętrznym Turcji oraz jej polityce zagranicznej od czasu przejęcia władzy przez konserwatywny obóz Partii Sprawiedliwości i Rozwoju (AKP) z Recepem Tayyipem Erdoğanem na czele. Okres pierwszej dekady rządów AKP doprowadził do zaskakującego skoku cywilizacyjnego, co zbliżyło państwo do Unii Europejskiej i uczyniło z Turcji liczący się podmiot stosunków międzynarodowych. Równolegle Erdoğan wykazywał coraz silniejsze aspiracje autorytarne, które stopniowo urzeczywistniał na mocy planu przebudowy starego kemalistowskiego porządku wewnętrznego. Wojna syryjska, kryzys migracyjny, reorientacja polityki zagranicznej Turcji, napięcia wewnętrzne po nieudanych puczu wojskowym oraz planowane reformy konstytucyjne w Turcji to nowe determinanty stosunków Turcja−Europa. Głównym celem analizy jest próba zrozumienia wyzwań, przed jakimi stoją obie strony oraz określenie potencjalnych perspektyw i scenariuszy przyszłych relacji w tych nowych realiach politycznych. ; First part of the paper is focused on changing domestic conditions of Turkey and its foreign policy since conservative Justice and Development Party (AKP) with Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in the lead, came to power. First decade of their rules led to surprising civilization jump, therefore Turkey – as significant international actor – started to cooperate more closely with European Union. However, at the same time Erdoğan started to demonstrate stronger authoritarian aspirations, fulfilling his plan of rebuilding an old Kemelist state architecture. Syrian war, migration crises, reorientation of Turkish foreign policy, consequences of failed military coup and constitutional reforms in Turkey are the new determinants of Turkey-Europe relations. For that reason, main objective of the following analysis is to present and understand the perspectives and challenges of their future cooperation within new political order.

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of this article is to explain why the Euro­pean Union perceives globalisation as the challenge for its regional development and how this assumption influences on regional development management. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The research problem concerns the issue of globalisation as the process which is estimated by the EU as the opportunity and challenge for its regional development at the same time. As a result the EU develops multi-level political system in which, along sovereign states, there are transnational and subnational political actors which have been engaged in regional development management. The research methods used in the study consist of an institutional and legal analysis of the major policy docu­ments, actors and regional development management instruments that they use. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The introduction presents the principal methodological assumptions concerning the analysed research area, the applied conceptual approach and the research methods. The main body of the article discusses why the European Union perceives globalisation as the challenge and opportunity for regions' competitiveness. RESEARCH RESULTS: The analysis shows that the scope of competences of the EU with regard to regional development management was laid out in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union; however, the globalisa­tion affects the formulation of strategic directions of EU actions in this area and implementation of relevant interventions of the European Regional Development Fund and European Social Fund. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: In accordance to the European Commission globalisation creates conditions and challenges in the scope of regions' economic development. In order to prepare the regions for global competitiveness in the EU, authority is spread among different decision making and implementing levels which have the sources and knowledge required in the process of increasing regions' competitiveness. ; Celem artykułu jest ananliza wpływu procesów globalizacji na zarządzanie rozwojem regionalnym w Unii Europejskiej, w kontekście wzrostu konkurencyjności unijnych regionów w gospodarce globalnej. Problem badawczy odnosi się do określenia zakresu kompetencji odnoszących się do zarządzania rozwojem regionalnym implementowanych na rzecz poprawy ich pozycji konkurencyjnej w gospodarce globalnej. W tym kontekście omówiony został proces umacniania się wielopoziomowego charakteru systemu politycznego UE, w którym obok suwerennych państw, funkcjonują ponadnarodowi i subnarodowi aktorzy polityczni. Wykorzystane metody badawcze obejmują analizę instytucjonalno-prawną, odnoszącą się do głównych aktorów polityki oraz instrumentów zarządzania rozwojem regionalnym przez nich stosowanych, a także ustalenia zawarte w najnowszej literaturze przedmiotu. We wstępie przedstawione zostały jego główne założenia metodologiczne obejmujące analizowany obszar badawczy, wykorzystane podejście koncepcyjne i metody badawcze. W dalszej, zasadniczej części tekstu omówione zostały uwarunkowania kształtowania konkurencyjności regionów w gospodarce globalnej oraz wskazany zakres kompetencji i instrumenty stosowane przez UE na rzecz wzrostu konkurencyjności regionów, z odniesieniem do roli samych regionów w powyższym procesie. Wyniki analizy wskazują, że zakres kompetencji UE w obszarze zarządzania rozwojem regionalnym został określony w Traktacie o Funkcjonowaniu UE, natomiast presja globalnej konkurencyjności ma wpływ na formułowanie strategicznych kierunków działań UE w tym zakresie i podporządkowanie im interwencji Europejski Fundusz Rozowju Regionalnego i Europejski Fundusz Społeczny. Globalizacja kreuje uwarunkowania i wyzwania w zakresie rozwoju gospodarczego regionów. Efektem jej oddziaływania jest redefinicja roli poszczególnych aktorów politycznych w procesach zarządzania rozwojem.

This paper is an attempt to analyse European leadership and the role played by a reunited Germany in the European Union. The author proposes five fundamental theses: 1) the reunification of Germany ruined the balance of power in Europe; 2) the Eastern enlargement of NATO and the EU has moved the zone of political and military influence of the USA to the line of the Bug river; 3) the Germans have confirmed their position as a European power; 4) the foreign policy of Angela Merkel is a continuation of Gerhard Schroder's policy, meaning a transfer of the focus from European policy to prioritising German national interests; 5) the German issue has remained open. ; This paper is an attempt to analyse European leadership and the role played by a reunited Germany in the European Union. The author proposes five fundamental theses: 1) the reunification of Germany ruined the balance of power in Europe; 2) the Eastern enlargement of NATO and the EU has moved the zone of political and military influence of the USA to the line of the Bug river; 3) the Germans have confirmed their position as a European power; 4) the foreign policy of Angela Merkel is a continuation of Gerhard Schroder's policy, meaning a transfer of the focus from European policy to prioritising German national interests; 5) the German issue has remained open.

The evolution of the ambitions of the Ukrainian authorities regarding integration with the EU is discussed in the paper. The current attitudes of political parties represented in Parliament towards the European Union, as well as the attitude of Ukrainian society towards the integration of the country with the EU is analyzed. Attention is focused on the Eastern Partnership as the EU's response to the aspirations of the Ukrainian political elites toward integration with the EU. The process of working out a new agreement between Ukraine and the EU, that is to replace the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, is analyzed. In the conclusions the principal barriers to the integration of Ukraine with the EU are highlighted. ; The evolution of the ambitions of the Ukrainian authorities regarding integration with the EU is discussed in the paper. The current attitudes of political parties represented in Parliament towards the European Union, as well as the attitude of Ukrainian society towards the integration of the country with the EU is analyzed. Attention is focused on the Eastern Partnership as the EU's response to the aspirations of the Ukrainian political elites toward integration with the EU. The process of working out a new agreement between Ukraine and the EU, that is to replace the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, is analyzed. In the conclusions the principal barriers to the integration of Ukraine with the EU are highlighted.

After the relatively successful system transformation, some young democratic countries from Central and Eastern Europe which used to receive democratic aid in the 1980s and 90s have engaged as new donors in assisting pro-democratic changes in other post-communist countries. The donor-recipient relations between two post-communist countries can be observed on the example of the development of cooperation between Poland and Ukraine. This paper deals with Polish assistance to new media in Ukraine in from 2007-2017 as a part of supporting democracy in Ukraine under the Polish Cooperation Development Program. Firstly, this work examines whether the Polish government's support of Ukrainian media as part of cooperation development will be sustained regardless of changes in the Polish government. Secondly, the paper explores whether Polish NGOs tailor their projects, financed by the Polish MFA, to the recipients' respective needs and the current situation in Ukraine. By examining Polish media assistance, the authors aim to explain the efforts of the new donor in developing media in a partner country, emphasizing the relation between the involvement of external actors and the presence of independent media which play an important role in democratization processes.

As of today the European Union is the space of freedom, security and justice. This entails the free movement of persons and the lack of internal borders. The establishment of the European Agency for the Management of Operational Cooperation at the External Borders of the Member States of the European Union on 26th October, 2004 was another stage of the Member States' integration. With the increasing number of conflicts and the continuous development of the EU, Frontex ensures security of the EU citizens as well as helps the EU to harmonize its activities on all borders. It does so thanks to its appropriately trained staff and the co-operation between the Member States. This article emphasizes the increasing role of the European Agency for the Management of Operational Cooperation at the External Borders of the Member States of the European Union. ; Artykuł nie zawiera streszczenia w języku polskim.

Ensuring internal security is one of the core objectives of European integration in the context of the establishment of an area of freedom, security and justice of the European Union (E.U.). The aim of the internal security policy of the E.U. is to support Member States with regard to the maintenance of law and order and the safeguarding of internal security. In the last 20 years in the area of internal security of the E.U. many important initiatives, political agendas and legal instruments at the E.U. level have arisen. This article aims to show the development of the internal security policy of the E.U., its most important guidelines and the challenges in the coming years.

The EU Global Strategy for Foreign and Security Policy was adopted by the European Council on June 28, 2016. It defines the common interests of the EU and its member states. It was based on the following objectives: security of citizens and territory, prosperity, democracy, global order, which are to lead to the creation of a credible, reactive and cohesive European Union. The principles which the European Union began to follow are unity, cooperation with others, responsibility, and deepening external partnerships.It is worth noting that cybersecurity in the European Union is a prerogative of the Member States unlike cyberterrorism which is a shared competence. Nevertheless, the EU has a key role to play in creating the conditions for the ability of Member States to improve, cooperate and build trust.This article will attempt to demonstrate that the effectiveness of actions taken by European Union bodies in the field of cyber terrorism depends on the type of instruments at the disposal of the EU and the Member States and the legal basis of the relevant regulations. The problem is that there are legal inaccuracies and interpretation discrepancies in the provisions of legal regulations at the EU level regarding the division of competences regarding cyberspace protection, which in fact lead to a delay in the establishment of mutual cooperation between the EU and the Member States. ; Globalna strategia UE na rzecz polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa została przyjęta przez Radę Europejską 28 czerwca 2016 r. Określa wspólne interesy UE i państw członkowskich. Opiera się na następujących celach: bezpieczeństwie obywateli i terytorium, dobrobycie, demokracji, ładzie światowym, które mają doprowadzić do stworzenia wiarygodnej, reaktywnej i spójnej Unii Europejskiej. Zasady, którymi zaczęła kierować się Unia Europejska, to jedność, współdziałanie z innymi, odpowiedzialność, pogłębianie partnerstw zewnętrznych.Warto zauważyć, że cyberbezpieczeństwo w Unii Europejskiej jest prerogatywą państw członkowskich w przeciwieństwie do cyberterroryzmu, który należy do kompetencji dzielonych. Mimo to UE ma do odegrania kluczową rolę w tworzeniu warunków dla zdolności państw członkowskich, aby ulepszać, współpracować i budować zaufanie. W niniejszym artykule zostanie podjęta próba wykazania, że na skuteczność działań podejmowanych przez organy Unii Europejskiej w zakresie polityki cyberterrorystycznej zależy od rodzaju instrumentów będących w dyspozycji UE i państw członkowskich oraz podstawy prawnej odpowiednich regulacji. Problemem pozostają nieścisłości prawne i rozbieżności interpretacyjne w zapisie regulacji prawnych na poziomie unijnym w zakresie podziału kompetencji dotyczących ochrony cyberprzestrzeni, które w rzeczywistości prowadzą do opóźnienia powstania wzajemnej współpracy między Unią a państwami członkowskimi[1] https://eeas.europa.eu/top_stories/pdf/eugs_pl_.pdf. (dostęp: 3.02.2021 r.).

The current financial crisis has significantly highlighted the issue of leadership in the European Union. The topic is both timely and worthy of analysis. The author tries to outline the theoretical approach to political leadership with regard to the current political scene in the European Union. A politician has to meet four criteria to be deemed a leader: his decisions are strategic, they exert permanent influence, he has a sufficient political background, and he has the highest position in a given political composition. The author makes the following hypothesis: on the basis of factor analysis (as regards the four factors above) only two current politicians are the true leaders of the EU, namely the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel, and the President of France, Francois Hollande. Both politicians meet the four attributes presented gabove to at least the minimum degree, thus becoming (international) EU leaders. The paper also discusses the issue of distinguishing between an (international) statesman and (international) leader. ; The current financial crisis has significantly highlighted the issue of leadership in the European Union. The topic is both timely and worthy of analysis. The author tries to outline the theoretical approach to political leadership with regard to the current political scene in the European Union. A politician has to meet four criteria to be deemed a leader: his decisions are strategic, they exert permanent influence, he has a sufficient political background, and he has the highest position in a given political composition. The author makes the following hypothesis: on the basis of factor analysis (as regards the four factors above) only two current politicians are the true leaders of the EU, namely the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel, and the President of France, Francois Hollande. Both politicians meet the four attributes presented gabove to at least the minimum degree, thus becoming (international) EU leaders. The paper also discusses the issue of distinguishing between an (international) statesman and (international) leader.

The South-East European Cooperation Process (SEECP) was launched in 1996, however, its functioning is an ongoing research phenomenon. This regional cooperation format includes all 13 states of South-East Europe. It was established as a forum of political dialogue and consultation, where regional issues could be addressed at the highest level. One of the objectives of the SEECP was security cooperation. The aim of this article is to analyse the role of the SEECP in maintaining security in the region of the Western Balkans. This article argues that since 1996, the SEECP has been evolving and is becoming an important format of regional cooperation in South East Europe, however, it plays a limited role in maintaining the military security of the post-conflict states of the Western Balkans. From the point of view of the members of the SEECP, military security and peace could be obtained through the integration of the participants of the SEECP, in particular those located in the Western Balkans, with the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The article also shows that establishing the SEECP did not eliminate tensions and riots based on ethnicity in some states of the Western Balkans and so, the SEECP still has a lot to do in the matters of reconciliation and good-neighbourliness. The article is based on primary and secondary source analysis, case study method comparative analysis, and the historical method.