European Union foreign policy: from effectiveness to functionality
In: Politique étrangère: PE ; revue trimestrielle publiée par l'Institut Français des Relations Internationales, Heft 3, S. 698-700
ISSN: 0032-342X
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In: Politique étrangère: PE ; revue trimestrielle publiée par l'Institut Français des Relations Internationales, Heft 3, S. 698-700
ISSN: 0032-342X
In: Cultures & conflits: sociologie politique de l'international, Heft 44, S. 135-152
ISSN: 1777-5345
In: Politique étrangère: PE ; revue trimestrielle publiée par l'Institut Français des Relations Internationales, Heft 1, S. 218-219
ISSN: 0032-342X
In: Politique étrangère: PE ; revue trimestrielle publiée par l'Institut Français des Relations Internationales, Heft 1, S. 217-218
ISSN: 0032-342X
In: Politique étrangère: PE ; revue trimestrielle publiée par l'Institut Français des Relations Internationales, Heft 1, S. 186-189
ISSN: 0032-342X
In: Politique européenne, Band 17, Heft 3, S. 35-62
ISSN: 2105-2875
In: Gouvernance européenne et géopolitique de l'énergie 3
In: Les études IFRI
In: Futuribles: l'anticipation au service de l'action ; revue bimestrielle, Heft 215, S. 97-103
ISSN: 0183-701X, 0337-307X
This paper raises the question of a policy for conflict in the making for the EU : the European Defense and Security Policy. After a brief presentation of our analytical method, we structure the paper in three axes. First, where does ESDP come from and what are its main objectives ? Then, what is European specificity in developing specific crisis management tools, and how do theses tool work and socialize the diplomatic and politico-military actors involved ? Last but not least, how does ESDP interplay between Brussels and the member states ? What does ESDP change for them, and what are its obvious and more pregnant limits up to now? ESDP constitutes a way for the Europeans to exit the world order of the Cold War and aims at providing the EU with a median way of crisis and conflict management between the approaches developed by traditional international organizations as NATO, the UNO or the OSCE. ESDP incarnates also the commitment of the three leading countries in defense and security matters in Europe –France, Great Britain and Germany- to overcome the shock of the Balkans crisis where Europe had been characterized by its division and inability to act effectively to solve the conflict. Therefore the member states had built specific organs, tools and procedures in the framework of ESDP. The originality and added value of the EU with its crisis management policy as the heart of ESDP is to propose an integrated approach combining military and civilian instruments. This however raises several fundamental questions. ESDP still lacks cross-pillar coherence, particularly regarding the financing of ESDP operations. This also raises the question of the interplay between Brussels and the member states: deploying troops is still a national sovereign decision and EU states keep on analyzing situations in the light of their national security interest. Yet ESDP combined with the new trends in military socialization since the 80's constitute a strong incentive to reform both the armies and military education. Thus ESDP seems ...
BASE
This paper raises the question of a policy for conflict in the making for the EU : the European Defense and Security Policy. After a brief presentation of our analytical method, we structure the paper in three axes. First, where does ESDP come from and what are its main objectives ? Then, what is European specificity in developing specific crisis management tools, and how do theses tool work and socialize the diplomatic and politico-military actors involved ? Last but not least, how does ESDP interplay between Brussels and the member states ? What does ESDP change for them, and what are its obvious and more pregnant limits up to now? ESDP constitutes a way for the Europeans to exit the world order of the Cold War and aims at providing the EU with a median way of crisis and conflict management between the approaches developed by traditional international organizations as NATO, the UNO or the OSCE. ESDP incarnates also the commitment of the three leading countries in defense and security matters in Europe –France, Great Britain and Germany- to overcome the shock of the Balkans crisis where Europe had been characterized by its division and inability to act effectively to solve the conflict. Therefore the member states had built specific organs, tools and procedures in the framework of ESDP. The originality and added value of the EU with its crisis management policy as the heart of ESDP is to propose an integrated approach combining military and civilian instruments. This however raises several fundamental questions. ESDP still lacks cross-pillar coherence, particularly regarding the financing of ESDP operations. This also raises the question of the interplay between Brussels and the member states: deploying troops is still a national sovereign decision and EU states keep on analyzing situations in the light of their national security interest. Yet ESDP combined with the new trends in military socialization since the 80's constitute a strong incentive to reform both the armies and military education. Thus ESDP seems ...
BASE
This paper raises the question of a policy for conflict in the making for the EU : the European Defense and Security Policy. After a brief presentation of our analytical method, we structure the paper in three axes. First, where does ESDP come from and what are its main objectives ? Then, what is European specificity in developing specific crisis management tools, and how do theses tool work and socialize the diplomatic and politico-military actors involved ? Last but not least, how does ESDP interplay between Brussels and the member states ? What does ESDP change for them, and what are its obvious and more pregnant limits up to now? ESDP constitutes a way for the Europeans to exit the world order of the Cold War and aims at providing the EU with a median way of crisis and conflict management between the approaches developed by traditional international organizations as NATO, the UNO or the OSCE. ESDP incarnates also the commitment of the three leading countries in defense and security matters in Europe –France, Great Britain and Germany- to overcome the shock of the Balkans crisis where Europe had been characterized by its division and inability to act effectively to solve the conflict. Therefore the member states had built specific organs, tools and procedures in the framework of ESDP. The originality and added value of the EU with its crisis management policy as the heart of ESDP is to propose an integrated approach combining military and civilian instruments. This however raises several fundamental questions. ESDP still lacks cross-pillar coherence, particularly regarding the financing of ESDP operations. This also raises the question of the interplay between Brussels and the member states: deploying troops is still a national sovereign decision and EU states keep on analyzing situations in the light of their national security interest. Yet ESDP combined with the new trends in military socialization since the 80's constitute a strong incentive to reform both the armies and military education. Thus ESDP seems ...
BASE
In: Politique étrangère: PE ; revue trimestrielle publiée par l'Institut Français des Relations Internationales, Heft 3, S. 706-707
ISSN: 0032-342X
In: L' Europe en formation: revue d'études sur la construction européenne et le fédéralisme = journal of studies on European integration and federalism, Band 371, Heft 1, S. 26-40
ISSN: 2410-9231
L'article évalue la réponse de l'Union européenne aux soulèvements arabes, en mettant l'accent sur la dimension méridionale de la Politique Européenne de Voisinage (PEV). Il montre que la vision de l'UE pour la Méditerranée a décliné et qu'elle s'est perdue dans la transition que les pays arabes ont connue. Deux aspects sont analysés. Tout d'abord, l'article montre le déclin lent mais continu du régionalisme comme objectif de politique étrangère de l'UE. Cette tendance a commencé avant les soulèvements arabes et, en fait, avec le lancement de la PEV, mais l'appui sur le bilatéralisme a fini par réduire le rôle de l'Europe en même temps que le Printemps arabe menait à une plus grande fragmentation de la région. Deuxièmement, l'article aborde l'aide extérieure de l'UE aux pays arabes méditerranéens et montre que depuis le début du Printemps arabe, même si l'UE a nominalement engagé plus de fonds, elle a en fait déboursé moins en raison de la distance croissante entre les conditions pour les dépenses des fonds et les conditions réelles d'application.
In: Romanian journal of international affairs, Band 2, Heft 4, S. 3-240
ISSN: 1224-0958
Iliescu, I.: Romania and the European integration. - S. 3-5. Berindei, D.: Les Roumains et l'Europe au cours de l'histoire. - S. 6-11. Ene, C.: Accession to the European Union: Concepts and procedures. - S. 12-18. Nastase, A.: The parliamentary dimension of the European integration. - S. 19-25. Melescanu, T.: The accession to the European Union: The fundamental option of Romania's foreign policy. - S. 26-30. Prisacaru, G.: The national strategy preparing Romania's accession to the European Union. - S. 31-55. Radocea, A.: Economic revival - perequisite of Romania's integration into European structures. - S. 56-82. Georgescu, F.: Economic and financial reform - premise for Romania's partenerial integration into the European Union. - S. 83-99. Isarescu, M.:Monetary and banking reform in Romania and European integration. - S. 100-112. Comanescu, L.: The structured dialogue and the preparation of the associated countries of Central Europe for accession into the European Union. - S. 113-118. Popescu, D.: La strategie du developpement de l'industrie dans le processus de preparation de l'adhesion de la Roumanie a l'Union europeenne. - S. 119-134. Rauta, C.: L'impact de l'adhesion a l'Union europeenne sur l'agriculture de la Roumanie. - S. 135-142. Mihailescu, S.: European integration and directions of transport re-structuring. - S. 143-152. Constantinescu, V.: The Romanian Academy, its research strategy and the integration of Romania into the European Union. - S. 153-163. Berinde, M.: The European agreement - an important stage in the development of mutual trade relations. - S. 164-172. Guran, M.: A strategy towards setting up a national information infrastructure. - S. 173-180. Jelev, I.: Environmental issues in Romania and its European integration. - S. 181-192. Idu, N.: European Union PHARE assistance programme: An important support t prepare Romania for accession. - S. 193-215. Duhaneanu, S.: Le trinome cooperation-creativite-competitivite dans l'actuel environnement concurrentiel du marche europeen et international. - S. 216-234
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