Suchergebnisse

The article concerns the idea as well as the form of international cooperation between states and international organizations, illustrated by the example of the relationship between the European Union and the Pacific region. There is some useful literature on the subject but this needs be to completed. The influences of the world's leaders collide on the Pacific Ocean, which gives this area primacy in geopolitical domination, slowly downgrading the Atlantic Community. The main purpose of the paper is, therefore, to research the possibilities and methods of legal and extrajudicial cooperation betweentwo continents which are very distant from each other. This work underlines the difference between official policy, presented by the regional intergovernmental organizations, and the individual policies of member states, who are not tied down by Brussels politics and may maintain their own foreign relations. ; The article concerns the idea as well as the form of international cooperation between states and international organizations, illustrated by the example of the relationship between the European Union and the Pacific region. There is some useful literature on the subject but this needs be to completed. The influences of the world's leaders collide on the Pacific Ocean, which gives this area primacy in geopolitical domination, slowly downgrading the Atlantic Community. The main purpose of the paper is, therefore, to research the possibilities and methods of legal and extrajudicial cooperation between two continents which are very distant from each other. This work underlines the difference between official policy, presented by the regional intergovernmental organizations, and the individual policies of member states, who are not tied down by Brussels politics and may maintain their own foreign relations.

The development of the information society has initiated the need for creating new instruments with the help of which the authorities can reach out to citizens. Therefore, cyberspace has recently become a place of activity of a number of entities including state and international organizations (together with the European Union). The result of this phenomenon is the creation of the so-called digital diplomacy as new quality in the so-called diplomacy of the EU. The EU diplomacy currently uses a number of e-tools, among others, Facebook, MySpace, Daily Motion, YouTube, etc. These tools are a very good method to improve and warm up the image of the Union in the international arena. This kind of diplomacy was only formed at the beginning of the twenty-first century and has a great prospect of development, thus, it is worth considering in which direction its evolution should follow. Digital diplomacy is a de facto response to the problem of the EU communication with the outside world and the growing number of Internet users.

Ensuring internal security is one of the core objectives of European integration in the context of the establishment of an area of freedom, security and justice of the European Union (E.U.). The aim of the internal security policy of the E.U. is to support Member States with regard to the maintenance of law and order and the safeguarding of internal security. In the last 20 years in the area of internal security of the E.U. many important initiatives, political agendas and legal instruments at the E.U. level have arisen. This article aims to show the development of the internal security policy of the E.U., its most important guidelines and the challenges in the coming years.

The purpose of this text is to present the results of a research in which the author analysed succeeding crisis situations that could constitute the basis for some of the changes in the political system of the EC/EU and subsequently made an attempt to delineate a certain scheme behind such behaviours. It is justified to seek the answer to the following question: What is the underlying reason for introducing changes in such situations and is it possible to pinpoint certain shared elements in different cases?To achieve that goal the author takes a closer look on the "empty chair" crisis, Schengen Area crisis and the recent financial crisis in Europe. In order to confirm the actual value of the conducted research, the author will make an attempt to relate his observations to the current geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe with reference to the EU competences in the existing political system.

The purpose of this text is to present the results of a research in which the author analysed succeeding crisis situations that could constitute the basis for some of the changes in the political system of the EC/EU and subsequently made an attempt to delineate a certain scheme behind such behaviours. It is justified to seek the answer to the following question: What is the underlying reason for introducing changes in such situations and is it possible to pinpoint certain shared elements in different cases?To achieve that goal the author takes a closer look on the "empty chair" crisis, Schengen Area crisis and the recent financial crisis in Europe. In order to confirm the actual value of the conducted research, the author will make an attempt to relate his observations to the current geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe with reference to the EU competences in the existing political system.

This paper is an attempt to analyse European leadership and the role played by a reunited Germany in the European Union. The author proposes five fundamental theses: 1) the reunification of Germany ruined the balance of power in Europe; 2) the Eastern enlargement of NATO and the EU has moved the zone of political and military influence of the USA to the line of the Bug river; 3) the Germans have confirmed their position as a European power; 4) the foreign policy of Angela Merkel is a continuation of Gerhard Schroder's policy, meaning a transfer of the focus from European policy to prioritising German national interests; 5) the German issue has remained open. ; This paper is an attempt to analyse European leadership and the role played by a reunited Germany in the European Union. The author proposes five fundamental theses: 1) the reunification of Germany ruined the balance of power in Europe; 2) the Eastern enlargement of NATO and the EU has moved the zone of political and military influence of the USA to the line of the Bug river; 3) the Germans have confirmed their position as a European power; 4) the foreign policy of Angela Merkel is a continuation of Gerhard Schroder's policy, meaning a transfer of the focus from European policy to prioritising German national interests; 5) the German issue has remained open.

The EU Global Strategy for Foreign and Security Policy was adopted by the European Council on June 28, 2016. It defines the common interests of the EU and its member states. It was based on the following objectives: security of citizens and territory, prosperity, democracy, global order, which are to lead to the creation of a credible, reactive and cohesive European Union. The principles which the European Union began to follow are unity, cooperation with others, responsibility, and deepening external partnerships.It is worth noting that cybersecurity in the European Union is a prerogative of the Member States unlike cyberterrorism which is a shared competence. Nevertheless, the EU has a key role to play in creating the conditions for the ability of Member States to improve, cooperate and build trust.This article will attempt to demonstrate that the effectiveness of actions taken by European Union bodies in the field of cyber terrorism depends on the type of instruments at the disposal of the EU and the Member States and the legal basis of the relevant regulations. The problem is that there are legal inaccuracies and interpretation discrepancies in the provisions of legal regulations at the EU level regarding the division of competences regarding cyberspace protection, which in fact lead to a delay in the establishment of mutual cooperation between the EU and the Member States. ; Globalna strategia UE na rzecz polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa została przyjęta przez Radę Europejską 28 czerwca 2016 r. Określa wspólne interesy UE i państw członkowskich. Opiera się na następujących celach: bezpieczeństwie obywateli i terytorium, dobrobycie, demokracji, ładzie światowym, które mają doprowadzić do stworzenia wiarygodnej, reaktywnej i spójnej Unii Europejskiej. Zasady, którymi zaczęła kierować się Unia Europejska, to jedność, współdziałanie z innymi, odpowiedzialność, pogłębianie partnerstw zewnętrznych.Warto zauważyć, że cyberbezpieczeństwo w Unii Europejskiej jest prerogatywą państw członkowskich w przeciwieństwie do cyberterroryzmu, który należy do kompetencji dzielonych. Mimo to UE ma do odegrania kluczową rolę w tworzeniu warunków dla zdolności państw członkowskich, aby ulepszać, współpracować i budować zaufanie. W niniejszym artykule zostanie podjęta próba wykazania, że na skuteczność działań podejmowanych przez organy Unii Europejskiej w zakresie polityki cyberterrorystycznej zależy od rodzaju instrumentów będących w dyspozycji UE i państw członkowskich oraz podstawy prawnej odpowiednich regulacji. Problemem pozostają nieścisłości prawne i rozbieżności interpretacyjne w zapisie regulacji prawnych na poziomie unijnym w zakresie podziału kompetencji dotyczących ochrony cyberprzestrzeni, które w rzeczywistości prowadzą do opóźnienia powstania wzajemnej współpracy między Unią a państwami członkowskimi[1] https://eeas.europa.eu/top_stories/pdf/eugs_pl_.pdf. (dostęp: 3.02.2021 r.).

The development of the information society has initiated the need for creating new instruments with the help of which the authorities can reach out to citizens. Therefore, cyberspace has recently become a place of activity of a number of entities including state and international organizations (together with the European Union). The result of this phenomenon is the creation of the so-called digital diplomacy as new quality in the so-called diplomacy of the EU. The EU diplomacy currently uses a number of e-tools, among others, Facebook, MySpace, Daily Motion, YouTube, etc. These tools are a very good method to improve and warm up the image of the Union in the international arena. This kind of diplomacy was only formed at the beginning of the twenty-first century and has a great prospect of development, thus, it is worth considering in which direction its evolution should follow. Digital diplomacy is a de facto response to the problem of the EU communication with the outside world and the growing number of Internet users. ; Rozwój społeczeństwa informacyjnego zainicjował potrzebę stworzenia nowych instrumentów, za pomocą których władze mogą docierać do obywateli, dlatego cyberprzestrzeń stała się w ostatnim czasie miejscem aktywności wielu podmiotów, w tym państw oraz organizacji międzynarodowych (również Unii Europejskiej). Skutkiem tego zjawiska jest powstanie tak zwanej dyplomacji cyfrowej jako nowej jakości w miękkiej dyplomacji UE. Dyplomacja UE używa obecnie wielu e-instrumentów, m.in. Facebooka, Myspace'a, Daily Motion, YouTube'a itp. Są to bardzo dobre narzędzia służące poprawianiu i ocieplaniu wizerunku Unii na arenie międzynarodowej. Ten rodzaj dyplomacji ukształtował się dopiero na początku XXI w. i ma przed sobą obiecującą perspektywę rozwoju, dlatego warto się zastanowić, w jakim kierunku ewolucja ta powinna podążać. Dyplomacja cyfrowa jest de facto odpowiedzią na problem komunikacji Unii ze światem zewnętrznym oraz na zjawisko rosnącej liczby użytkowników Internetu.

The purpose of the paper is to study the actions undertaken by the European institutions, aiming at a larger openness of resources, such as cultural works, scientific publications and educational materials, as well as to examine the motivations and results thereof. The European Union, being the area of production of a significant number of works belonging to each of the aforementioned categories, views these resources as strategic to its development. Thus it has taken diverse measures in order to maintain an appropriate balance between the public (social) interests, understood as open access to the resources, and the private interests, prioritising the protection of the owner's rights. The paper demonstrates that these actions are not uniform due to a diverse character and standing of these resources in the economy. The first instruments regarding scientific and educational resources had been implemented ten years before the implementation of legislative measures concerning the cultural products. Hence the public interests, meaning users' access, were treated as more important than the private proprietary rights.