Suchergebnisse

The author discusses the reasons for relativization of the national minorities protection policy of the Council of Europe and the European Union in light of the problems with national minorities protection in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The minorities protection policies in Bosnia and Herzegovina had implications for minority rights protection in Hungary and Croatia after Croatia's accession to the EU . The European Union, the Council of Europe and other European institutions defined their position towards minority rights in light of the European Court for Human Rights decision in the Sejdić and Finci case. The decision specified mandatory constitutional changes in terms of equal protection of national minority rights. According to the demanded constitutional revisions, the representatives of national minorities would have a right to compete for legal and executive positions in the entire Bosnia and Herzegovina. Before the ECHR decision, only representatives of the three constituent peoples – Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats could be nominated for positions in the legislature and in the executive institutions. The Council of Europe mediated by CoE Parliamentarian Assembly and Committee of Ministers threatened to suspend BiH membership to the CoE until the decision was implemented. At the same time, coordinated European Union institutions made the ratification of the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) negotiated with Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2008 conditional upon the implementation of the Sejdić and Finci decision. The threat wasn't carried through and BiH became presiding country of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe in 2014. In the meantime, the newly elected European Parliament as well as recently appointed European Commission accepted the SAA although the Sejdić-Finci decision was not incorporated in the constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. ; Evropska unija, Savjet Evrope i druge evropske institucije bitno su odredile svoj odnos prema Bosni i Hercegovini u odnosu na primjenu Odluke Evropskog suda za ljudska prava "u slučaju Sejdić i Finci", koji nalaže obavezu ustavnih promjena u pravcu zaštite jednakosti prava pripadnika nacionalnih manjina. Tim promjenama i predstavnici nacionlanih manjina imali bi pravo da budu kandidovani na sve pozicije zakonodavne i izvršne vlasti u Bosni i Hercegovini. Do odluke u spomenutom slučaju, poznatom kao "Sejdić – Finci", samo su pripadnici tri konstitutivna naroda u Bosni i Hercegovini – Srba, Bošnjaka i Hrvata, mogli da budu kandidovani za te funkcije. U više navrata Savjet Evrope je posredstvom Parlamentarne skupštine ili Komiteta ministara prijetio suspenzijom, čak i izbacivanjem Bosne i Hercegovine iz ove međunarodne organizacije. Istovremeno, čak i koordinisano, institucije Evropske unije raznih nivoa uslovljavale su ratifikaciju Sporazuma o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju (SAA ), postignutog još 2008. godine, isto primjenom navedene odluke. Prijetnja se odnosila na nepriznavanja izbornih rezultata na lokalnim izborima 2012. i opštim izborima 2014. godine. To se nije desilo, a u međuvremenu BiH je bila zemlja – predsjedavajuća Komiteta ministara Savjeta Evrope. Novoizabrani saziv Evropskog parlamenta i nova Evropska komisija prihvatili su Sporazum o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju nakon opštih izbora u BiH 2014, iako odluka Evropskog suda za ljudska prava nije primijenjena. Predmet rada biće razlozi relativizacije manjinskih politika Savjeta Evrope i Evropske unije u politikama zaštite prava nacionalnih manjina u BiH. Time su postale vidljive i upozoravajuće i druge politike relativizacije položaja i prava nacionalnih manjina, poput Mađarske i Hrvatske, do čega je došlo nakon prijema ove dvije države u Evropsku uniju.

A soft Brexit scenario will include an implementation period from the day the UK formally leaves the EU to 31 December 2020. During the implementation period, the UK will continue to be functionally treated as an EU member state and remain a party to EU international agreement. Associated with the ASEAN single market, should be considered the readiness of Indonesian regulations and legislations that in sectorial concerns at least three aforementioned legal instruments to be harmonized with the laws of the ASEAN countries. Important findings were shown by the research from the perspectives of business law, especially, capital investment law, intellectual property and international trade law that Brexit has significant impact for the EU itself, Indonesia and also AEC.

U ovom članku autor na sugestivan način ukazuje na važnost razumijevanja nacije i države u kontekstu evropske filozofske misli i prakse o naciji i državi. Iako su mu povod nacija Bošnjaka i bosanska država, autorova razmišljanja su aplikativna za sve skupine slične naciji Bošnjaka, kao i za države slične bosanskoj državi. Osnovna misao u ovom članku je da ideja univerzalne nacije, kulture i civilizacije niti osporava niti negira partikularni osjećaj i subjektivni doživljaj nacije i države. Članstvo u Evropskoj uniji ne oduzima pravo nijednoj naciji u Evropi da gaji i razvija svoju nacionalno-kulturnu i nacionalno-državnu svijest. Zapravo, u mjeri u kojoj je svaka nacija i svaka država u Evropi aktivno svjesna svoje nacionalne i kulturne specifične vrijednosti, čini Evropu, odnosno Evropsku uniju, snažnom i važnom u globalnom svijetu. Otuda i Bošnjaci, odnosno Bosanci, kao nacija i kao država (nacija) nemaju potrebe da se povlače, već imaju historijsku obavezu da istaknu svoju specifičnu bosansku kulturu i bosansku državu kao bogatstvo vrijedno pažnje ne samo u Evropi već i u svijetu. ; In this article, the author suggestively points to the importance of understanding the concept of nation and the state in the context of the European philosophical thought and practice regarding the nation and the state. Although the occasion is about the Bosniak/Bosnian nation and the Bosnian state, the author's reflections are applicable to all groups similar to the Bosniak/Bosnain nation, as well as to all the states similar to the Bosnian state. The basic premise of this article is that the idea of a universal nationality, culture and civilisation does not oppose or negate the particular feeling or the subjective experience of either the nationality or the state. The membership of European Union does not detract the right for any nation in Europe of the right to cultivate and develop its national culture as well as its particular state consciousness. In fact, in the extent of which every nation and every state in Europe has an active awareness of its national and cultural specific value, gives Europe, indeed – the European Union strong and important role in the global community. Hence, the Bosniaks/Bosnians, both as a nation and a state (nation) have no need to withdraw, but rather have the historical opportunity to feature their specific Bosnian culture and Bosnian state as a richness worthy of appreciation, not only in Europe, but also in the world.

This paper examines the recruitment and retention activities implemented by worker unionsin companies. With the purpose of revealing the process of recruitment and retention of members, qualitative method with case study approach was employed to the Pengurus Unit Kerja (PUK) under Federasi Serikat Pekerja Tekstil, Sandang, Kulit Serikat Pekerja Seluruh Indonesia (FSP TSK SPSI) in Surabaya.This paper reveals practices of recruitment and retention done by leader of PUKs and employers' attitude perceived by the leader of PUKs and other affecting factor of PUKs relevant to recruitment and retention activities. This paper benefits for the other subsequent relevant researches as diverse findings concerning methods, environment, and resulting in recruiting and retenting done by leaders of PUKs. This will also help union leaders, employer, employee relations researchers, and government in doing their activities pertinent to the relevant roles and duties. Moreover, the implementation of recruitment and retention process in PUKs is valuable for the development of the discipline of human resource management.

This study is a survey on Credit Union (CU) Cikal Mas Purwokerto and BaitutTamwil Muhammadiyah (BTM) Dana Mentari Patikraja members in Banyumas. Theaims of this study are to determine: (1) The differences of financial literacy levels between CU Cikal Mas Purwokerto and BTM Dana Mentari Patikraja members at thethree aspects i.e. behaviors, knowledge and attitudes, (2) The level of sharia aspectsknowledge of BTM Dana Mentari Patikraja members, (3) The implementation of interest system of CU Cikal Mas Purwokerto, and (4) The implementation of profit sharingsystem of BTM Dana Mentari Patikraja.The population in this study are individuals in Banyumas who grouped into twogroups, i.e. the members of Credit Union Cikal Mas Purwokerto and the members ofBaitut TamwilMuhammadiyah Dana Mentari Patikraja. There were 60 respondentstaken in this study which consisted of 30 respondents for each group. Based on the research and analysis of data using different test Mann Whitney U showed that: (1)Thereare differences between the financial literacy levels of CU Cikal Mas Purwokertomembers and BTM Dana Mentari Patikraja members viewed from three aspects: behaviors, knowledge and attitudes,(2) The level of sharia aspects knowledge of BTMDana Mentari Patikraja members are relatively low, (3) The implementation of interest system in CU Cikal Mas Purwokerto as according to the theory that the loan interest relatively smaller than the saving interest, it known based on interview with managers of CU Cikal Mas Purwokerto, and (4) The implementation of profit sharing system in BTM Dana Mentari Patikrajaas according to the theory used by Islamic financial institutions that profit sharing agreement to both parties when the contract is underway.

This study aims to explain how the psychological process affects perceived organizational politics (POP) toward organizational citizenship behaviour (OCB). The paradoxical effect of POP to OCB needs to be explained through two psychological processes: First, the mediation effect of psychological safety which explains POP as a barrier to OCB. Second, the mediation effect of careerism which explains POP as an OCB driver. One of the government institutions in Malang District used as research objects, involving 97 employees as respondents. A quantitative approach using Partial Least Square (PLS) used as the method of this study. The results showed careerism mediated the relationship between POP and OCB. But the surprising result is that psychological safety cannot mediate the effect of POP to OCB because employees feel that there is no high threat of doing voice behaviour, helping behaviour and individual initiatives in the political environment. These results indicate that OCB is a safe activity when it does not contrary to other people's self-interest, so it does not cause a conflict.

Economic growth is no longer just to improve the economy alone, but economic growth must also pay attention to the welfare of the community and be carried out by paying attention to the quality of the economic growth. Good economic growth is not only temporary but long term. One of the government's efforts by this concept is to create inclusive and sustainable economic growth. The measure of the quality of economic growth can be seen through the Inclusive Economic Development Index (IGI). However, achieving inclusive economic growth is not easy. The novelty of the research is that inclusive economic growth is not only approached with an economic approach but non-economic variables are also included, to see further this interrelation. The method used in this research is quantitative with a descriptive approach. Panel regression analysis models and techniques using stata. The results of this study indicate that technology and human resources have a significant and positive effect on inclusive economic growth in Indonesia from 2017 to 2019. Meanwhile, politics has a positive but not significant effect on inclusive economic growth in Indonesia from 2017 to 2019. From the results of this study, it can be seen that also that technology, politics, and human resources simultaneously have a significant and positive effect on inclusive economic growth in Indonesia from 2017 to 2019. The implications of this research include, among others, the government needs to optimize HR productivity. Keywords: Inclusive Economy; Political; Human Resources; Technology

U prvom dijelu ove studije, objavljenom u prvom broju časopisa "Svjetionik", autor je ukratko izložio osnovne elemente filozofije politike karakteristične za historiju savremenih nacija u kojem je analizirao odnose pojedinca, naroda, nacije i države. Drugi dio ove studije fokusira se na odnos Bošnjaka prema kolektivnom sjećanju koje je, kako autor smatra, pod utjecajem dugoročne političke strategije susjeda, dovedeno na prag amnezije. Autor smatra da poljuljana kolektivna memorija predstavlja najneuralgičniji problem i najveću opasnost za historijsku reintegraciju i homogenizaciju Bošnjaka kao naroda i nacije. Autor naglašava da je "Bosanac" teritorijalna odrednica i potpuno isključuje nacionalnu odrednicu "Bošnjak". Koketiranje s formulacijom "Bošnjaci/Bosanci", koja se često koristi, ne samo što ne afirmira etničku i nacionalnu pripadnost Bošnjaka nego još dodatno negira njihovu posebnost – a time dovodi u pitanje i samo postojanje Bošnjaka. Bošnjak se rađa, Bošnjak se ostaje. "Bosanac" se postaje, "Bosanac" se prestaje biti. Bošnjak koji živi u Bosni ujedno je i "Bosanac". "Bosanac" koji nije Bošnjak, nigdje, pa ni u Bosni, ne postaje Bošnjak. Bošnjak koji ne živi u Bosni ostaje Bošnjak, ali prestaje biti "Bosanac". Cilj supstituiranja historijskog imena Bošnjaci teritorijalnom odrednicom "Bosanci", očigledan je: Razbiti homogeno jezgro Bošnjaka brisanjem svijesti o njihovoj etničkoj posebnosti, imenu, nacionalnom jedinstvu, zajedničkoj historiji, kulturi, jeziku, ukratko – zajedničkoj prošlosti, sadašnjosti i budućnosti. Također u studiji se podsjeća na razliku savremenog shvatanja nacije od načina na koji je ovaj društveni fenomen bio tumačen sve do sredine 20. stoljeća. Iza razgraničenja nacije od naroda, kao njegove navodno superiorne forme, u pozadini se krije nastojanje da se narod, kao objektivna činjenica, relativizira, uzajamne veze njegovih pripadnika oslabe i da se cijelo stanovništvo podvede pod kontrolu centralne političke moći – kao prividno integrirana i homogena cjelina. ; In the first part of this study, published in the first issue of the magazine Illuminatio/Svjetionik/Almanar, the author briefly outlined the basic elements of the philosophy of politics characteristic of the history of modern nations in which he analysed the relations of the individual, the people, the nation and the state. The second part of this study focuses on the attitude of Bosniaks towards collective memory, which, according to the author, was brought to the threshold of amnesia under the influence of the long-term political strategy of their neighbours. The author believes that the shaken collective memory represents the most neuralgic problem and the greatest danger for the historical reintegration and homogenization of Bosniaks as an ethnicity and a nation. The author emphasizes that "Bosnian" is a territorial determinant and completely excludes the national determinant "Bosniak". Flirting with the phrase "Bosniaks/Bosnians", which is often used, is not only a denouncement of the ethnic and national affiliation of Bosniaks, but further denies their uniqueness – and thus calls into question the very existence of Bosniaks. A Bosniak is born, a Bosniak remains. A "Bosnian" becomes, a "Bosnian" cease to be. A Bosniak living in Bosnia is also a "Bosnian". A "Bosnian" who is not a Bosniak does not become a Bosniak anywhere, not even in Bosnia. A Bosniak who does not live in Bosnia remains a Bosniak, but ceases to be a "Bosnian". The goal of substituting the historical name Bosniaks with the territorial designation "Bosnians" is obvious: Break the homogeneous core of Bosniaks by erasing awareness of their ethnic identity, name, national unity, common history, culture, language, in short – a common past, present and future. The study also recalls the difference between the modern understanding of the nation and the way in which this social phenomenon was interpreted until the middle of the 20th century. Behind the separation of the nation from the ethnicity/people, as the supposedly superior form, lies the effort to relativize the ethnicity/people, as an objective fact, to weaken the mutual ties of its members and to bring the entire population under the control of central political power – as a seemingly integrated and homogeneous whole.

In the middle of district head's euphoria to float and move forward province of Bangka Belitung's island by brought in the palm oil investors conduce the new conflict of society, i.e agrarian conflicts. The presence of palm oil investors in the middle that in the beginning has been designed to give a profit for society, especially the societies around the oil palm plantation, but precisely harm the soci- ety a lot. For local society, indigenous forest is symbol of nature conservation and the place of animal Seizure and claims over land often happens between the palm oil investors with local society. One of them is the conflict between Air Abik society with PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari. The main factor of this conflict is there a logging, indigenous forest clearance, destruction of 11 ancestral graves belong to society conducted by PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari in their efforts to oil palm expansions. This thing then triggered public protest action. survival. Whereas, ancestral grave is symbol of local wisdom and cultural heritage that must be preserved and maintained. Besides, if we see the conflict between both sides, it can be analyzed with contentious politics theory. The use of contentious politics theory because this conflict involves the collective interaction between the claimant, i.e PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari and claim object, i.e customary land and the land where the 11 ancestral graves stand. In contentious politics theory, there is also depletion of resources. This depletion of resources in the end will influencing people to get involved in the political tensions, like the high level of public complaints, legacy of previous protest, political opportunity structure, and the mechanism relation to help society resistance. ; In the middle of district head's euphoria to float and move forward province of Bangka Belitung's island by brought in the palm oil investors conduce the new conflict of society, i.e agrarian conflicts. The presence of palm oil investors in the middle that in the beginning has been designed to give a profit for society, especially the societies around the oil palm plantation, but precisely harm the soci- ety a lot. For local society, indigenous forest is symbol of nature conservation and the place of animal Seizure and claims over land often happens between the palm oil investors with local society. One of them is the conflict between Air Abik society with PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari. The main factor of this conflict is there a logging, indigenous forest clearance, destruction of 11 ancestral graves belong to society conducted by PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari in their efforts to oil palm expansions. This thing then triggered public protest action. survival. Whereas, ancestral grave is symbol of local wisdom and cultural heritage that must be preserved and maintained. Besides, if we see the conflict between both sides, it can be analyzed with contentious politics theory. The use of contentious politics theory because this conflict involves the collective interaction between the claimant, i.e PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari and claim object, i.e customary land and the land where the 11 ancestral graves stand. In contentious politics theory, there is also depletion of resources. This depletion of resources in the end will influencing people to get involved in the political tensions, like the high level of public complaints, legacy of previous protest, political opportunity structure, and the mechanism relation to help society resistance.

Treći, završni dio ove studije, analizira odnos Bošnjaka i Bosne kroz interakciju tri hronološki i problemski povezana procesa. Prvim postupkom, definiranim kao 'arheologija politike zaborava', rekonstruiraju se, u svim dosadašnjim istraživanjima potpuno zapostavljeni, aspekti geneze historijskih i političkih faktora projekta negiranja Bošnjaka kao posebnog naroda/nacije, brisanja njihovog historijskog imena, naziva jezika te etničkog, duhovnog, kulturnog i državotvornog identiteta. Drugo, razmatra se pitanje odnosa Bošnjaka kao naroda/nacije i Bosne kao njihove matične države, koju su oni stvorili i odbranili, iz generalne problemsko-teorijske perspektive kao i iz novijih zbivanja i aktuelne situacije. Treće, argumentira se teza da je očuvanje historijskog imena "Bošnjaci", vraćenog 28. septembra 1993. godine, trajni strateški imperativ svih Bošnjaka svijeta i conditio sine qua non opstanka Bosne kao države i kao koncepta. Kritički se analizira inicijativa da se umjesto historijskog imena upotrebljavaju teritorijalne odrednice "Bosanci", odnosno "Bosanci i Hercegovci" što ima za cilj definitivno ukloniti s historijske scene Bošnjake kao narod/naciju. Budući da je opstanak Bošnjaka nužni uvjet opstanka i postojanja Bosne, imperativ historijskog trenutka nalaže bezrezervno prihvatanje historijskog imena "Bošnjaci", obnovu osjećanja zajedničke pripadnosti i uzajamne povezanosti Bošnjaka kao naroda/nacije, jačanje emotivne veze sa sopstvenim nacionalnim bićem te uspostavljanje svijesti o moralnoj obavezi svakog pojedinca Bošnjaka prema svom narodu, Bošnjacima, i njihovoj matičnoj državi Bosni. ; The third, final part of this study, analyses the relationship between Bosniaks and Bosnia through the interaction of three chronologically problem-related processes: 1. The procedure defined as 'The Archeology of the Politics of Oblivion' reconstructs in all previous research completely neglected aspects of the genesis of historical and political factors of the project of denial of Bosniaks as a separate people / nation, erasing their historical name, language name and ethnic, spiritual, cultural and state identity; 2. The issue of the relationship between Bosniaks as a people / nation and Bosnia, as their home state, which they created and defended, from the general problem-theory perspective as well as from recent events and with the current situation being considered; 3. The thesis is argued that the preservation of the historical name "Bosniaks", returned on September 28, 1993, is a permanent strategic imperative of all Bosniaks in the world and a conditio sine qua non of the survival of Bosnia as a state and as a concept. The initiative to use the territorial determinants "Bosnians" or "Bosnians and Herzegovinians" instead of the historical name, which aims to definitively remove Bosniaks from the historical scene as a people / nation, is critically analysed. Since the survival of Bosniaks is a necessary condition for the survival and existence of Bosnia, the imperatives of the historical moment require the unconditional acceptance of the historical name "Bosniaks", the renewal of the sense of common belonging and mutual connection of Bosniaks as a people / nation, strengthening the emotional connection with one's own national being and establishing the awareness of the moral obligation of every individual Bosniak towards his/her Bosniak people and their home state of Bosnia.

Problems arising from the relationship between Islam (dîn) and politics (siyâsah) became the polemics among Muslim political thinkers that have not been completely solved up until now. Hence, it is difficult to identify which countriy such as Turkey, Egypt, Sudan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Algeria, and Indonesia, that deserves to be a representation of an Islamic state. The consequence of different understandings about the relationship between Islam and politics – in the case in Indonesia- is the emergence of Indonesian Islamic State (NII). This movement attracted a number of responses from Indonesian Muslim intellectuals. Using a sociohistorical-politics approach in discussing these responses as they do not agree about the establishment of the NII, will lead to an understanding of coercion and oppression of understanding group that is different from other groups. ; Problems arising from the relationship between Islam (dîn) and politics (siyâsah) became the polemics among Muslim political thinkers that have not been completely solved up until now. Hence, it is difficult to identify which countriy such as Turkey, Egypt, Sudan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Algeria, and Indonesia, that deserves to be a representation of an Islamic state. The consequence of different understandings about the relationship between Islam and politics – in the case in Indonesia- is the emergence of Indonesian Islamic State (NII). This movement attracted a number of responses from Indonesian Muslim intellectuals. Using a sociohistorical-politics approach in discussing these responses as they do not agree about the establishment of the NII, will lead to an understanding of coercion and oppression of understanding group that is different from other groups.

Cakrawala : Jurnal Penelitian Sosial. Vol. III No. 2 Nopember 2014, p. 249-268 ; European economic integration and unity of this currency leaves form a very significant ketergantungan among its members, so that a crisis was enough to shake the stability between the countries members of the other. Basically the single currency system seems to be double-edged blade for the European Union. On the one hand so profitable and increase the bargaining positions of European countries, but on the other hand is potentially detrimental. One reason is because of the level of adaptation of a State. Not all countries have a great economy to enter the euro zone. The existence of this single currency system to make the countries in the European Union will become vulnerable to a crisis. This is what led to the crisis that occurred since 2008 is so easily spread to countries in Europe. This research focuses on the policy decision taken by the third country in the European Union, namely Germany, France and the United Kingdom. Domestic political factors of history, and also the economic power of these countries also affect how the policy making process to rescue Greece from the crisis that is increasingly spreading to other European countries. The main purpose of the discussion of this paper is to provide new information concerning the handling of crisis from a process whereby policies domestic factors also gives countries a great influence, it also gives a view that Constructivist Theory is able to provide a view of the case.