Suchergebnisse

Título que forma parte de la serie 'Las organizaciones del mundo' que examina las organizaciones internacionales clave y el papel que desempeñan en mejorar las vidas de personas en el mundo. Cada título incluye estudios de casos que revela cómo funciona la organización. En éste se examina cómo la UE trabaja para fomentar la estabilidad económica, la seguridad y las normas jurídicas a través de Europa. ; SC ; Biblioteca de Educación del Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte; Calle San Agustín 5 -3 Planta; 28014 Madrid; Tel. +34917748000; biblioteca@mecd.es ; GBR

Título que forma parte de la serie 'Las organizaciones del mundo' que examina las organizaciones internacionales clave y el papel que desempeñan en mejorar las vidas de personas en el mundo. Cada título incluye estudios de casos que revela cómo funciona la organización. En éste se examina cómo la UE trabaja para fomentar la estabilidad económica, la seguridad y las normas jurídicas a través de Europa. ; SC ; Biblioteca de Educación del Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte; Calle San Agustín 5 -3 Planta; 28014 Madrid; Tel. +34917748000; biblioteca@mecd.es ; GBR

The world is facing a new geoeconomic order in which digital media has changed the rules of the game. Borders are fuzzy and both companies and consumers try to strike a balance between free market access and the restrictions that protected economic interests establish. Based on these parameters, the European Union is trying to restructure the single market by applying global solutions that nevertheless collide with the protection measures demanded by economic operators, blocking the provision of services and the free movement of goods through so-called geoblocking. This practice consists of blocking access to services and/or the offer of products depending on the geographical origin of the user/client, either by redirecting users to local websites or simply by restricting access to their product brochure. The fact that consumer associations and users of digital platforms have considered this blockade as a real attack on the digital single market has led the European Union to seek legislative solutions. That is why the European Commission has promoted Regulation 2018/302, which aims to prevent unjustified geographical blocking and other forms of discrimination based on the nationality, place of residence or place of establishment of clients in the internal market. The justification of these protective measures as well as their location in the global geoeconomic space are studied in this work. ; Świat mierzy się z nowym porządkiem geopolitycznym, w którym media cyfrowe zmieniły zasady gry. Granice są zacierane i zarówno przedsiębiorstwa, jak i konsumenci starają się znaleźć równowagę pomiędzy dostępem do wolnego rynku a ograniczeniami, które chronią ustalone interesy gospodarcze. Uwzględniając te aspekty, Unia Europejska podejmuje działania w celu restrukturyzacji rynku poprzez zastosowanie globalnych rozwiązań, które jednakowoż stoją w sprzeczności ze środkami ochrony wymaganymi przez podmioty gospodarcze, blokujące dostęp do usług i swobodny przepływ towarów za pomocą tzw. blokowania geograficznego (geoblocking). Praktyka ta polega na blokowaniu dostępu do usług i/lub innych towarów uzależnionych od geograficznego pochodzenia użytkownika/klienta bądź za pomocą przekierowywania użytkowników na lokalne strony internetowe lub poprzez ograniczenie dostępu do ich oferty. Fakt, że stowarzyszenia konsumenckie i użytkownicy platform cyfrowych uznali te działania za rzeczywisty atak na cyfrowy rynek wewnętrzny, skłonił organy Unii Europejskiej do podjęcia kroków legislacyjnych w tej sprawie. Z tego powodu Komisja Europejska zainicjowała przyjęcie rozporządzenia 2018/302, mającego na celu zwalczanie praktyk blokowania geograficznego oraz innych form dyskryminacji klientów ze względu na przynależność państwową, miejsce zamieszkania lub miejsce prowadzenia działalności na rynku wewnętrznym. Niniejsza praca prezentuje uzasadnienie podjętych środków zabezpieczających oraz ich usytuowanie w globalnej geoekonomii.

Irregular migration in the European Union (EU) dominates the current EU political agenda. It is also the top concern of European citizens, according to the latest Standard Eurobarometer (Spring 2019).38 EU member states, however, are not affected to the same degree, resulting in political friction with regard to how to deal with the challenges of this phenomenon. Furthermore, the EU's failure to provide an adequate and unitary response to the unprecedented influx of irregular migrants in 2015 exposed the strength of state sovereignty within member states and led to divisions within the EU so far as to threaten the overall functioning of the Schengen Area. As a result, the EU approach to irregular migration shows clear signs of following an intergovernmental logic of cooperation, where the supranational institutions have a lesser role leaving member states in the Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) Council in the driving seat. Nonetheless, there is an apparent paradox: EU institutions and member states are more divided than ever over a common approach to irregular migration, yet at the same time they are increasingly converging towards more restrictive migration policies. ; peer-reviewed

Tourism is a very important economic sector within the European Union, while also playing a key role in political, social and cultural integration. Nevertheless, the EU took a late interest in this sector, beginning only in the 1980s. Starting then, EU intervention in matters of tourism began to pass through a series of phases, during which EU performance was alternately more or less intense. A study of these phases reveals the consequences of a certain inefficiency as a result of the lack of sufficient legal support in the European Constitution for the development of a real EU policy in this sector. With the arrival of the 21st century, and as new EU powers in matters of tourism have been incorporated into the Lisbon Treaty, performance by the European Union in the tourism sector has changed its perspective, putting quality and competitiveness within reach through sustainability in the sector, a basic element of performance in matters of tourism.

This concluding article assesses the past decade of international scholarship on the European Union (EU) and normative power as represented by the contributions to the special issue. It argues that the normative power approach (NPA) makes it possible to explain, understand and judge the EU in global politics by rethinking the nature of power and actorness in a globalizing, multilateralizing and multipolarizing era. To do this, the article assesses the past decade in terms of normative power engagement, internationalization and comparison. The article then argues that rethinking power and actorness involves reassessing global theory and pouvoir normatif in action. The article concludes by setting out three ways of developing the NPA in its second decade: macro-approach, meso-characterization and micro-analysis. Following the suggestion of Emanuel Adler, Barry Buzan and Tim Dunne, the article sets out how studying the normative foundations of power through the NPA combines the normative rethinking of power and actorness with the structural changes of a globalizing, multilateralizing and multipolarizing era.

This report provides answers to key questions related to the European Union (EU). It describes the EU's evolution, its governing institutions, trade policy, and efforts to forge common foreign and defense policies. The report also addresses the EU-U.S. and EU-NATO relationships.

It is not just since the crisis of the COVID-19 pandemic that the need for solidarity has become a commonly heard diagnosis – particularly in the European Union: But what exactly is meant by it and why is such importance attributed to it? In light of this status quo, this dissertation aims to answer two questions in particular: What is solidarity? And: What kind of solidarity should we envision for the European Union? I start by examining in what sense solidarity is inherently normative and my dissertation concerned with a normative problem. By clarifying the distinction between concept and conception, I explain that the contribution to the debate is to suggest a further conception of the (general) notion of solidarity, given that a review of previous literature does not provide a satisfactory comprehensive definition. The initial chapter also offers a brief history of the term and its historical significance and diverse usages in order to clarify why my methodological approach for defining solidarity is not focused on its historical applications. Rather, it offers a definition of solidarity that comprehends a social phenomenon in a way that other related notions cannot. The subsequent chapter introduces the definition of solidarity that I propose to work with. The chapter is guided by the diagnosis that solidarity is always relational (having to do with an "other") and expressed through practices (acts). The two guiding questions for my definition are consequently: 1. What makes me concerned about the other? – dealing with the relational question and 2. What does it mean to stand up for the other? – dealing with the question of solidary action. A further, evaluative step is necessary for the answers to both questions to clarify the normative dimension, i.e., to determine a desirable type of solidarity. Essentially, my definition first argues that solidarity is both social and political: social in its relational sense and political in its "expressive" sense as an action. The term social is to be understood as ...

Introduction: European enlargement generally refers to the inclusion of new states into the European Union's Treaty area. This article considers instead the enlargement of Economic and Monetary Union into Africa. We know that no part of Africa is in the EU, though Morocco has sought to join, and the island of Mayotte belongs to an EU member state (France) and uses the euro. But the EU's single currency area is not identical with its monetary area. This article is about EMU beyond the EU itself, and in particular about the monetary shadow European colonial history has cast over western and central Africa. Here as well as in the Comoros islands three local currencies were long in the monetary area of France, and are now but local expressions of the euro. That was why in the late 1990s the impending introduction of the single European currency aroused considerable interest and some anxiety in those African countries that faced possible inclusion in the EU's monetary union. The question was whether the EC institutions should take over responsibly for monetary policy in the former French African overseas territories, although they are not in the EU now, and were never part of the EEC before independence. Alternatively, experts in Europe and in Africa considered whether France should maintain its monetary guarantee, and if so, whether the CFA franc should be decoupled from the future European currency. Finally, the CFA franc zones could simply disappear. Today currencies in the fourteen Francophone states plus those of two of Portugal's former African overseas countries are simply local variants of the euro. This paper briefly puts this strange situation in its historical context, considering what has changed and what has not with the changeover from the franc CFA pegged to the French franc, to a franc CFA pegged to the euro. I shall then ask, together with mainly African economists, political analysts and politicians, whether Africa's proxy euro zone should expand to take in perhaps the entire sub Saharan continent, which has a privileged trade and aid relationship with the EU. Alternatively, do Africans and Europeans see a European monetary zone in Africa as an opportunity or as an anachronistic burden? Do Africans within the zone want to remain tied to the EU to a degree that exists in no other sovereign states outside Europe? Two of the three CFA franc cum euro monetary zones have expanded both in nature and in geographical extent, having become economic unions and taken in two ex Portuguese dependencies. Do these now wish to form even larger units and turn themselves into regional common markets, with a common currency that in reality is not a currency at all, but only one or several local variants of the euro? How do other African states regard such ambitions? The answers to these questions require first a brief historical comment.

This substantially updated and revised edition offers a comprehensive overview of the challenges confronting the political system as well as the international politics of the European Union. It draws from a rich spectrum of regional integration theories to determine what the Union actually is and how it is developing. The book examines constitutional politics of the European Union, from the Single European Act to the Treaty of Nice and beyond. The ongoing debate on the future of Europe links together questions of democracy and legitimacy, competences and rights, and the prospects for European polity-building. The aim is to contribute to a better understanding of the emerging European polity and the questions that further treaty reform generate for the future of the regional system. The authors also assess the evolving European security architecture, the limits and possibilities of a genuine European foreign, security and defence policy, and the role of the European Union in the post-Cold War international system. Common themes involve debates about stability and instability, continuity and change, multipolarity and leadership, co-operation and discord, power capabilities and patterns of behaviour. The book traces the defining features of the 'new order' in Europe and incorporates an analysis of the post-September 11 context. This major new edition will be of particular interest to academics, policy-makers and students with an interest in the politics and governance of contemporary Europe, as well as to those pursuing a career in international affairs.

The purpose of the paper is to study the European Union - Turkey customs union (CU) of 1995 covering trade in industrial goods. The customs union decision of 1995 extending to rules and disciplines on various regulatory border and behind-the-border policies covers in particular customs reform, technical barriers to trade, competition policy, intellectual property rights, and administrative procedures. The paper after assessing in each case the status quo at the time of the entry of the CU into force evaluates the commitments undertaken under the CU, and assesses the degree of implementation of the CU requirements as well as the administrative costs of implementation of the CU. Finally, the paper shows how the CU has successfully moved the Turkish economy from a government-controlled regime to a market based one.

Tourism has important influence on socio-economic activities on national level, as well within international frames. Thus every country dedicates particular attention to conditions contributing tourism development and its benefits. EU as an integration of most developed European countries, achieves significant results in tourism. Among top 15 tourist destinations by tourist arrivals and revenues, nine are EU member-countries. The main purpose of this paper is to present the role of tourism in EU economic parameters, as well as politics in this sphere/field. During paper's preparation appropriate data is consulted. Tourism is important economic activity in EU. It's participation in total employment in the EU is approximately 5%, participation in international trade on services is 30%, and the participation in GDP is 5%. Such results are consequence of appropriate tourism policy in EU. Key words: tourism, EU, international tourism, incomes, arrivals, tourism policy.

Because of the asymmetric nature of cyber threats and the dynamics of their evolution, there is a tendency for a growing role of security cooperation activities in cyberspace through joint efforts of states and non-state actors in international relations. New challenges and threats caused by the global pandemic are linked with an increased internet activity. The recent spread of fake news related to COVID-19 illness caused by SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus might be seen as part of sharp power disinformation strategy applied by state actors. International organisations serve as a forum for discussion to disseminate and analyse knowledge about cybersecurity and the effects of cyber threats, they are at the same time creators of common principles of prevention, legal and institutional solutions, and are complementary to the activities of states in this field. By adopting the regional level of analysis as its methodological perspective, the article shows a natural evolution of cybersecurity means from the time of the 1990s and early 2000s when the focus was set on computer and cyberspace as a tool of serious and organised crime, through the stage when computer crime was endangering cyberspace of the EU Member States, to the period when finally the EU objectives were to achieve an open, safe and secure cyberspace keeping in mind the importance of raising awareness and acquiring skills and knowledge how to avoid or face cyber threats. At the early stages of establishing the EU cybersecurity policy, the documents focused on definitions and identifications of threats and trends. Later stages included organising institutional and legal framework, and setting up specialised institutions, centres and teams. Not only did the understanding of cyber-related issues changed but also the response of the EU to cyber threats. The transition is from the soft law instruments (recommendations) such as guidelines, communications, declarations, roadmaps, actions plans, and strategies towards more hard law instruments (obligations) such as directives and other legislative acts. The character of directives has also changed – from directives on cyber-related issues to those characterised as cyber-oriented, each being more ambitious than the previous one. The complete appraisal of the effectiveness of the EU cyber security policy is impeded by a specific nature of cyberspace and its security, as well as problems with gathering appropriate data.

This paper is about the ways that citizens perceive their place in the political world around them, through their political identities. Using a combination of comparative and quantitative methodologies, the study traces the pattern of citizens' political identifications in the European Union and Canada between 1981 and 2003 and explains the mechanisms that shape these political identifications. The results of the paper show that in the EU and Canada identity formation is a process that involves the participation of both individuals and political institutions yet between the two, individuals play a greater role in identity construction than do political institutions. The paper argues that the main agents of political identification in the EU and Canada are citizens themselves: individuals choose their own political identifications, rather than acquiring identities that are pre-determined by historical or cultural precedence. The paper makes the case that this phenomenon is characteristic of a rise of 'civic' identities in the EU and Canada. In the European Union, this overarching 'civic' identity is in its infancy compared to Canada, yet, both reveal a new form of political identification when compared to the historical and enduring forms of cultural identities firmly entrenched in Europe. The rise of civic identities in both the EU and Canada is attributed to the active role that citizens play in their own identity constructions as they base their identifications on rational assessments of how well political institutions function, and whether their memberships in the community will benefit them, rather than on emotional factors rooted in religion or race. In the absence of strongly held emotional identifications, in the EU and Canada political institutions play a passive role in identity construction by making the community appear more entitative to its citizens. These findings offer new theoretical scope to the concept of civic communities and the political identities that underpin them. The most important finding presented in the paper is that although civic communities and identities are manufactured by institutions and political elites (politicians and bureaucrats), they require thinking citizens, not feeling ones, to be sustained.

Includes bibliographical references (p. [477]-493) and indexes. ; Mode of access: Internet.