Suchergebnisse

Argues that the neocorporatist model of labor politics that was initially developed by early integration theorists, & applied by particular nation-states in the 1950s & 1960s, was never realized at the European Union (EU) level -- primarily because, in contrast to the nation-state level, labor continued to be underorganized & thus could not stimulate an interaction effect between capital, the state, & itself. The underorganization of labor is traced to wide regional disparities in Europe & corresponding differences in national labor movements. Other causes for the failure of the neocorporatist model in EU integration efforts include the presence of the Council of Ministers, which worked to halt any attempt by supranational bodies to organize interests, & the strength of national corporatist efforts. Three trends indicate that the restoration of neocorporatism at either the national or supranational level is unlikely: (1) an increasing differentiation of social structures & collective interests in advanced capitalist societies; (2) market instability & volatility; & (3) changing roles & structures of interest associations. The future of interest politics at the nation-state & EU levels in light of this context is discussed. D. M. Smith

Das Gesellschaftsmodell der westeuropäischen Nachkriegsepoche war Ergebnis des Versuchs einer doppelten Versöhnung: zwischen Demokratie und Kapitalismus und zwischen Arbeit und Kapital. In allen westeuropäischen Ländern räumte die tatsächliche Verfassung von Staat und Wirtschaft den organisierten Großklassen der Industriegesellschaft einen privilegierten Status ein: Dachverbände von Arbeitnehmern und Unternehmen bildeten eine "zweite Regierungsebene", mit der sich die demokratisch gewählte staatliche Regierung weite Bereiche der öffentlichen Macht teilte, letztlich diente dieses Arrangement vor allem der Institutionalisierung der Gewerkschaften in einem sozialstaatlichen und "partnerschaftlichen" Kontext. Der vorliegende Beitrag betrachtet diesen "Euro-Korporatismus" im Kontext sowohl der Geschichte der europäischen Integration als Teil der Geschichte des Nachkriegskapitalismus in Westeuropa, als auch der Interaktion zwischen europäischer und nationaler Ebene der Politikformulierung und politischen Entscheidungsfindung. Die These dabei ist, dass die Entwicklung des Integrationsprozesses ebenso wie die des modernen Kapitalismus die Vorstellung obsolet gemacht hat, ein geeintes Europa könne politisch nach dem Muster eines klassenkorporatistischen Tripartismus von Staat, Unternehmen und Gewerkschaften organisiert werden. Im Gegenteil hat die europäische Integration in der Gestalt des "neoliberalen Projekts" wirksam zur Auflösung klassenkorporatistischer Strukturen auf der nationalen Ebene beigetragen, insbesondere - wie gezeigt wird - zur Schwächung oder gar Entmachtung der Gewerkschaften. (ICA2)

Heffernan offers data on the trading, economic, & political power of the European Union (EU). Organizational expansion is shown by a list of historical stages in European integration. Criteria for EU membership & details of evolving enlargement are cited. An explanation of the EU's contemporary functions & characteristics includes review of the creation of the Council of Europe & events moving the organization from the ECSC (European Coal & Steel Community) to the Maastricht treaty. Examination of the EU's interdependence considers the influence of the two world wars on European integration. There is reflection on conflict over integration & development as well as intergovernmentalism & supranationalism. The question, "How is the EU governed?" delves into the European Council's functions & the European Commission's composition. Legislative & executive systems are outlined. Fast periods of integration are listed & compared with slower, more conflictive epochs. Historical perspective of the EU covers the specificity of Western Europe & the role of intergovernmental bargaining. 12 References. M. C. Leary

The paper "Israel in the European neighborhood policy" attempts to explain the importance of the relation EU-Israel for the security of the European Union, but also for the global security. This task will be accomplished by analyzing basic documents vital for European political architecture, such as the European Security Strategy, Strategy Paper for Israel for the period 2007-2013, or EU/Israel Action Plan. The speeches of members of European Commission about the relation of EU with Israel are also important sources of the present paper, bringing valuable ideas who successfully complete the content of EU-Israel treaties. This paper attempts, also, to explain the functionning and the role of European neighborhood policy, its principles of action and objectives and, later on, to analyse the importance of Israel as a country found in the proximity of European Union. The reason for choosing Israel from all the other neighbors of the European Union, as subjects of European neighborhood policy, was the common values reflected in tradition and culture of the Jews from Israel and of the Europeans, enhanced by the European Jewry Heritage from Europe. We consider that the relationship between European Union and Israel is very normal and useful.
Among the priorities of action established by the two parts as a consequence of European Union-Israel treaties, we would like to point out the assignment to fight against anti-Semitism and against terrorist actions. The Jewish people are a people who passed through a lot of difficulties and inconveniences during history and through a great tragedy during the Holocaust. Israel represents the refuge they longed for centuries and democratic states do support Israeli aspiration towards having their own fatherland. Anti-Semitism increased now in the Arab world being the consequence of the conflicts between Palestinians and Israelites in the last decades. Some times it can take the form of terrorist action and hence the connection with terrorist networks. The fight against terrorism is not strictly connected with anti-Semitism; terrorist networks are acting more and more widely, including actions versus western civilization. So it is both in the interest of Europeans and Israel to act against the ones who put in danger the basic human values. Both Israel and European Union and United States also, have to reconsider their relation with Arab world whose aggression increased as being home for numerous extremist and terrorist Islamic movements. Terrorism is the present day threat and not a global war. But terrorism can cause much more damage than a war as affecting the entire world and mainly civilians. No place can be safe enough when confronting with such a threat. But the treaties between Israel and European Union have also economic, social, political, security related objectives. They have at their base the common values that Israel and European Union countries share: democracy, human rights and respect for fundamental freedoms. They wish to create more prosperous and secure countries. And they open European economy to Israeli participation. Strenghtening the economic ties between Israel and European Union, all sectors of cooperation will be strenghtened because economic interest is at the basis of long term relations. The method of work will be critical interpretation of the documents concerning European neighbourhood policy and its connection to Israel. The purpose is to understand the written base of EU and Israel relations as a precondition for further possible analysis of the diplomatic relations and politics of the two entities. Our position is to encourage the relationship between Israel and European Union. Israel and the European Union countries are united through historical ties as Jews from whole Europe contributed after 1948 to the creation and development of the Israelian state. Their relationship appears us very normal and an expected result.

Reflection on the development of the European Union (EU) is enhanced by a chronology of pivotal historic events. Definitions of key terms are provided. The goal of examining reasons for the EU's evolution, administration, & dominant political system is stated. Other queries regard the EU's purpose, the nature of its relationship with & effect on member states, & its efficacy. A definition of the term "politics" is pursued. There is iteration of Finer's list of nation-state attributes. Exploration of the notion of legitimately exercised power includes reproduction of Beetham & Lord's set of criteria determining legality, justifiability, & legitimation. An overview of questions of governance links models of the EU, an intergovernmental model, & a supranational model. 18 References. M. C. Leary

Bromley ponders EU (European Union) nations' roles, the group's groundbreaking international cooperation, its division of political authority, & the nature of that authority's execution. Also examined are EU members' transformation through integration, the nature of the adaptive political form, & that form's possible relation to member states' politics. The demise of European imperialism is chronicled from the late 19th century through WWII. Shifts in power & alliance are evidenced by documentation of the General Agreement on Tariffs & Trade, the International Monetary Fund, & the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Discussion of the EU's implementation & governance includes the 1951 treaty establishing the European Coal & Steel Communities & the 1957 Treaties of Rome. The EU's most significant supranational aspects are explored. The complexities & possibilities arising from EU member states' deference to the group's supranational status are elucidated. Descriptive instances of conflict resolution are included, & the role of international legislative organizations is discussed. 11 References. M. C. Leary

Cram attempts to clarify the integration that is central to the European Union (EU). Scholarship by Spinelli, Deutsch, & Haas is cited, with the author leaning toward the last's view of integration as an organic, ongoing, & formative experience for participating nations. There is consideration of integration as the creation of a supranational political union that might outstrip & end in conflict with the momentum of individual nations. Haas's "spillover" theory is delineated. Examination of the issue of control of integration involves review of neofunctionalism & its critics, including Hoffmann. The shift of politics from between member states to within the EU has led to specialized zones of "high politics." It is suggested that the goal of determining the EU's identity may be partially satisfied by comparing it with nations or federal states. A look at the EU policy process further aids dissection, with the author focusing on the evolution of formal rules, informal aspects of policy, an outline of the policy process, examples of agenda-setting, the decision-making role of the Council of Ministers, & factors involved in implementation, enforcement, & specific policy areas. Majone's interpretation of the EU as a regulatory state is included. 20 References. M. C. Leary

Ein EU-Beitritt der Türkei würde "vitale europäische und deutsche Interessen begraben", das "große Projekt der politischen Einigung Europas würde mutwillig zerstört". Ungeachtet von Argumenten, die einen solchen Beitritt gut heißen, führt der Verfasser für diese These folgende Argumente an: (1) Die Türkei ist ein nicht-europäischer, kleinasiatischer Staat, dessen Aufnahme die Tür für weitere Beitrittswünsche öffnen würde. (2) Bereits nach der letzten Beitrittsrunde ist die EU extrem belastet. (3) Ökonomisch wäre die Türkei auf lange Zeit ein "Fass ohne Boden". (4) Die Armut Anatoliens würde das Migrationsproblem verstärken. (5) Die Türkei wird von einer islamistischen Protestpartei regiert. (6) Die Außengrenzen der EU wären nach einem Beitritt sehr viel problematischer. (7) Die Bevölkerungen Deutschlands und Frankreichs lehnen einen Beitritt ab. (8) Ein Beitritt der Türkei würde das Demokratiedefizit der EU vergrößern. (9) Die Euroskepsis würde weiter um sich greifen. (ICE)

Im Beitrag wird untersucht, wo eine konkrete republikanische Analyse postnationalen Regierens ansetzen kann. Der republikanische Theorieapparat erscheint als durchaus geeignet, auch für die jüngsten Veränderungen politischer Systeme einen Rahmen zur normativen Erörterung zu stellen. Er lässt sich hinreichend differenziert ausarbeiten und verspricht einen analytischen Mehrwert gegenüber im Diskurs etablierten demokratietheoretischen Positionen. Wichtig ist diesbezüglich, dass republikanische Theorien sich nicht auf die nostalgische Reproduktion der legitimatorischen Maßstäbe und Verständnisse überkommener Gemeinschaften versteifen, sondern vielmehr, dass in ihnen das institutionelle Potential reflektiert wird, welches im langen Nachdenken über freiheitliche Ordnungen herausgebildet wurde. Der Fokus auf öffentlicher Freiheit und dem Austragen von Differenz ergibt eine von den liberalen und deliberativen Demokratietheorien absetzbare Perspektive, in der ein positiv besetztes Konfliktverständnis an die Stelle der Suche nach gerechten oder konsensfähigen Lösungen tritt. Ein weiteres Ausarbeiten des republikanischen Instrumentariums kann insofern helfen, die gegenwärtig herrschende konzeptionelle Erschöpfung des überstaatlichen Demokratie- und Legitimationsdiskurses aufzubrechen.

Article 8b of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) extends municipal & European electoral rights to all Union citizens residing in each member state. This is clearly one of the most controversial provisions of the TEU, since municipal political rights have traditionally been extended only to the citizens of a particular state. In discussing the potential consequences of this principle of equal treatment, it is argued that Article 8b will necessarily have some effect on the overall regulation of the political participation of nonnationals in various member states & that it will ultimately require a full guarantee of the political freedoms of expression, assembly, & association. M. Maguire

Laffan illuminates the European Union (EU)'s governance by describing its budget-making process & politics. The primary functions of budgets are listed along with the EU's budget amounts, 1973-1998. There is a brief review of the budget of the EU's predecessor, the European Coal & Steel Community, 1952-1969, budgetary crises & conflicts, 1970-1986, & the institutionalization of the budget, 1987-1999. Data on budget creation & management are enriched by information on macronegotiations, the annual budget cycle, 1990's expansion, auditing, the discharge procedure, & means of addressing fraud. Future budgetary planning & conflicts are revealed by details of Agenda 2000, proposal formatting, & negotiations within the EU's councils. Ways in which the budgeting process embodies EU's goals of integration & representation are explored. The need for stabilization, accountability, & flexibility is addressed. 4 Tables, 1 Figure, 2 References. M. C. Leary

The objective of this work is to determine the extent of the conformity of the Croatian energy sector with the conditions for membership in the EU. According to a comparative analysis an identification is made of the state of affairs in the energy sector in the EU, in the Republic of Croatia and in the applicant countries, the level at which the conditions for membership are fulfilled and the necessary measures that have to be implemented during the reform. The main conclusion is that the legal system itself in the area of the Croatian energy system is already mainly harmonised with the EU system. However, concrete application of the rules departs from the
way rules are applied in the EU. Since these rules obtain their final form only during application, and the manner of interpretation and application is much harder to change than the rules themselves, particular attention needs devoting to practice in the process of adjustment.