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Тhis paper considers the phenomenon of global growth, emphasizing the slowdown and (limits) of the Western GDP growth. By comparing the United States as the most mature economy in the world, China as the new hegemon, the OECD countries, the BRICS countries, and the rest of the world, we show the growth and unequal development of the five "regional futures" of the global world. In addition to the imminent economic reasons for the backwardness of Western economies and societies, the crisis of the structure and functioning of the democratic capitalist system, and the ecological limits of sustainability, we emphasize two non-economic moments: the end of liberalism as a fundamental ideology of the Western world, and the loss of trust, which is a fundamental moral category. According to futurist forecasts, the West has slowed down, the financial system has been damaged, and the recovery is slow and uncertain. The following subjects are being considered: the growth paradigm, the belief in lasting progress, the end of liberalism and the loss of confidence, the recovery of Western economies, some monetary policy measures, and European fiduciary money and the slowdown of the growth in the Eurozone. The monetary economy of the euro as an agreed single currency has caused strong changes in the Eurozone and has "trapped" the European Union. The euro economy, among other things, is responsible for the sharp division of the Eurozone member states into surplus and deficit countries, and the Eurozone crisis, stagnation, and slowdown in economic (non-economic) growth. ; U ovom radu razmatramo fenomen rasta na globalnom nivou, apostrofirajući usporavanje i (granice) rasta BDP Zapada. Komparacijom SAD kao najzrelije ekonomije na svijetu, Kine kao novog hegemona, zemalja OECD-a, zatim zemalja BRICS-a, te ostatka svijeta, predočava se rast i nejednaki razvoj pet ,,regionalnih budućnosti," globalnog svijeta. Pored imanentnih ekonomskih razloga zaostajanja zapadnih ekonomija i društava, krize strukture i funkcionisanja demokratskog kapitalističkog sistema, i ekološke granice održivosti, ističemo i dva neekonomska momenta, kraj liberalizma kao fundamentalne ideologije zapadnog svijeta i gubitak povjerenja kao temeljne moralne kategorije. Prema prognozama futurista, Zapad je posustao, finansijski sistem je oštećen, oporavak je spor i neizvjestan. Predmet razmatranja su: paradigma rasta, vjera u trajni napredak, kraj liberalizma i gubitak povjerenja, oporavak zapadnih ekonomija, neke mjere monetarne politike, te Evropski prekarni novac i usporavanje rasta evrozone. Monetarna ekonomija evra kao dogovorene jedinstvene valute izazvala je snažne promjene u evrozoni i Evropskoj uniji uhvaćenoj u ,,zamku." Ekonomija evra, između ostalog, odgovorna je za oštru podjelu zemalja članica evrozone na zemlje suficita i zemlje deficita, te krizu evrozone, stagnaciju i usporavanja ekonomskog (neekonomskog) rasta.

Rad pokušava objasniti objektivnu razliku između državnog saveza i saveza država kao oblika federativnog odnosno konfederativnog uređenja odnosa među članicama, odnosno distingvirati između sintagmi statusa države i državnog statusa te uputiti na nužnost razlikovanja ustavnog kontinuiteta koji postoji u uslovima kad država ne mijenja status države i ustavnog diskontinuiteta kad dolazi do preobražaja državnog statusa određenog državnog subjekta. Na primjerima istorijskih i savremenih oblika unija, kroz istorijsku se dinamiku postojanja unija pokazuje da nijedna unija nije mogla niti može pretendovati da apsorbuje osnovne atribute članice/a, država, koje ječine. Ključna pitanja koja se obrađuju sa gledišta savremenog konstitucionalizma u odnosu na teorijski pojam unije su pitanja ustavnog diskontinuiteta do koga dolazi izlaskom članica unije iz njenog sastava, kao i posljedično tome međunarodnog priznanja i osamostaljenja članica unije. ; The paper attempts to explain the objective difference between a state union and a union of states as the respective forms of federative and confederative systems of government. It tries to distinguish between the expressions status of a country and state status and to point out the necessity of distinguishing between constitutional continuity that exists when a country does not change its status and constitutional discontinuity when the state status of a country is changed. The historical and contemporary examples of unions show that no union could have aspired or can aspire to absorb the basic features of its member state(s). The key issues, dealt with from the aspect of contemporary constitutionalism and theoretical idea of a union, are the issues of constitutional discontinuity that occurs when member state(s) decide to leave the unio n, form independent state(s) and demand international recognition

The impact of the EU on the implementation of the policy of equal opportunities for women can be seen from harmonization of legislation and construction of institutions for protection of women's rights, and through participation of women in decision-making processes. The first part of the article discusses the theoretical framework for research the effects of institutionalization of gender equality in the EU. In the second section the institutional and legal framework are represented as a part of the global strategy aimed at achieving gender equality. The problems dealt with in the third part of the article concerning the presence of women at different levels of decision-making in the European Union. The newest data base from gender research for European Commission and European Parliament is used for this research. Index of Gender Equality (EIGE) shows that there are huge differences between Member States and that the EU is only halfway to achieving gender equality. Therefore, the integration of gender perspective in all fields and searching for measures to achieve higher level of gender equality are the focal points in EU gender politics.

Analysis of efficiency of (judicial) mediation in Serbia and other European countries (Italy, Switzerland, the Netherlands and Denmark) illuminates the causes of poor representation of this legal institution in our country. Analysis of mediation in Italy, culturally most closely resembling country to Serbia, indicates that a legalistic approach to the promotion and implementation of mediation, especially if it is heterogeneous, is not efficient. On the other hand, countries that have implemented a bottom-up approach ('first applied, and then regulate'), such as the Netherlands and Denmark, have developed efficient mediation system. Switzerland, a country that relied on an approach based on the promotion of culture of mediation, has a mediation system that has not been developed to the extent to the developed system of conciliation. In any case, the Italian experience has taught us that the regulation of mediation is not a sure path to success in the implementation of this legal institution; Swiss experience highlights the importance of developing a culture of peaceful settlement of disputes; Dutch and Danish experience emphasizes pragmatism in the promotion and implementation of mediation. Since Serbia lacks an efficient regulatory framework of mediation, culture of peaceful dispute settlement and pragmatism in implementation of this legal institution, it seems that the experiences, for the purpose of analysis, observed countries are more than useful.

The paper discusses the role of the European Parliament in the inter-institutional quest for power on the ground of the effectiveness of its control over the supra- national institutions and bodies with the intelligence function as well as in the protection of the right to privacy. The starting assumption is that, despite the Lisbon reform, the powers and jurisdiction of the European Parliament are still quite limited with a view to oversight of the EU policy implementation and the performance of the EU institutions, respectively. The author examines the following cases: the recently revealed practice of massive electronic surveillance of the EU citizens' communication, the unselective processing of personal data, and the semi-secretive set up of a supranational intelligence function out of the MEPs' reach. The analyzed cases show that the European Parliament's control powers are weak when it comes to the issues that demand a narrow technical expertise, but still can endanger civil rights. The author concludes that the protection of the right to privacy can indicate the real power of the Parliament in future dynamics of the supranational institutional framework.