Suchergebnisse

Climate change is caused by global warming, an increase in the average air temperature of the world. Continued warming can harm the economy of certain regions and damage ecosystems. The adoption of the Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in 1992 was a major step forward in tackling the problem of global warming. Yet as greenhouse gas emission levels continued to rise around the world, it became increasingly evident that only a firm and binding commitment by developed countries to reduce emissions could solve the problem of climate change. The Kyoto Protocol of the UNFCCC was adopted in Kyoto, Japan, on 11 December 1997. The major distinction between the two, however, is that while the UNFCCC encouraged developed countries to stabilize greenhouse gas emissions, the Protocol commits them to do so. The Protocol requires developed countries to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions below levels specified for each of them in the Treaty. These targets must be met within a five-year time frame between 2008 and 2012, and add up to a total cut in greenhouse gas emissions of at least 5 % against the baseline of 1990. In order to give Parties a certain degree of flexibility in meeting their emission reduction targets, the Protocol developed three innovative mechanisms - known as Emissions Trading, Joint Implementation (JI) and the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). The detailed rules for its implementation were adopted in Marrakesh in 2001, and are called the "Marrakesh Accords." The European Union is a part to the UNFCCC and its Kyoto Protocol. The EU has put legislation and policies in place to meet their commitments to cut greenhouse gas emissions at 8 % against the baseline of 1990 and has created The Greenhouse Gas Emissions Trading Scheme - the first carbon market in the world. The EU is a leading regional organisation in fighting the climate change. Also it is implementing a number of domestic legal instruments, such as green certificate system. Lithuania as the EU member state has ratified the UNFCCC, the Kyoto Protocol, and has transposed the EU directives regarding the greenhouse gas emission reduction regime and the trade of emissions credits. However Lithuania has failed to fully implement the legislation mentioned above. The Climate Change Law, which is believed to establish thorough legal regulation of climate change management, is being drafted.

Climate change is caused by global warming, an increase in the average air temperature of the world. Continued warming can harm the economy of certain regions and damage ecosystems. The adoption of the Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in 1992 was a major step forward in tackling the problem of global warming. Yet as greenhouse gas emission levels continued to rise around the world, it became increasingly evident that only a firm and binding commitment by developed countries to reduce emissions could solve the problem of climate change. The Kyoto Protocol of the UNFCCC was adopted in Kyoto, Japan, on 11 December 1997. The major distinction between the two, however, is that while the UNFCCC encouraged developed countries to stabilize greenhouse gas emissions, the Protocol commits them to do so. The Protocol requires developed countries to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions below levels specified for each of them in the Treaty. These targets must be met within a five-year time frame between 2008 and 2012, and add up to a total cut in greenhouse gas emissions of at least 5 % against the baseline of 1990. In order to give Parties a certain degree of flexibility in meeting their emission reduction targets, the Protocol developed three innovative mechanisms - known as Emissions Trading, Joint Implementation (JI) and the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). The detailed rules for its implementation were adopted in Marrakesh in 2001, and are called the "Marrakesh Accords." The European Union is a part to the UNFCCC and its Kyoto Protocol. The EU has put legislation and policies in place to meet their commitments to cut greenhouse gas emissions at 8 % against the baseline of 1990 and has created The Greenhouse Gas Emissions Trading Scheme - the first carbon market in the world. The EU is a leading regional organisation in fighting the climate change. Also it is implementing a number of domestic legal instruments, such as green certificate system. Lithuania as the EU member state has ratified the UNFCCC, the Kyoto Protocol, and has transposed the EU directives regarding the greenhouse gas emission reduction regime and the trade of emissions credits. However Lithuania has failed to fully implement the legislation mentioned above. The Climate Change Law, which is believed to establish thorough legal regulation of climate change management, is being drafted.

Climate change is caused by global warming, an increase in the average air temperature of the world. Continued warming can harm the economy of certain regions and damage ecosystems. The adoption of the Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in 1992 was a major step forward in tackling the problem of global warming. Yet as greenhouse gas emission levels continued to rise around the world, it became increasingly evident that only a firm and binding commitment by developed countries to reduce emissions could solve the problem of climate change. The Kyoto Protocol of the UNFCCC was adopted in Kyoto, Japan, on 11 December 1997. The major distinction between the two, however, is that while the UNFCCC encouraged developed countries to stabilize greenhouse gas emissions, the Protocol commits them to do so. The Protocol requires developed countries to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions below levels specified for each of them in the Treaty. These targets must be met within a five-year time frame between 2008 and 2012, and add up to a total cut in greenhouse gas emissions of at least 5 % against the baseline of 1990. In order to give Parties a certain degree of flexibility in meeting their emission reduction targets, the Protocol developed three innovative mechanisms - known as Emissions Trading, Joint Implementation (JI) and the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). The detailed rules for its implementation were adopted in Marrakesh in 2001, and are called the "Marrakesh Accords." The European Union is a part to the UNFCCC and its Kyoto Protocol. The EU has put legislation and policies in place to meet their commitments to cut greenhouse gas emissions at 8 % against the baseline of 1990 and has created The Greenhouse Gas Emissions Trading Scheme - the first carbon market in the world. The EU is a leading regional organisation in fighting the climate change. Also it is implementing a number of domestic legal instruments, such as green certificate system. Lithuania as the EU member state has ratified the UNFCCC, the Kyoto Protocol, and has transposed the EU directives regarding the greenhouse gas emission reduction regime and the trade of emissions credits. However Lithuania has failed to fully implement the legislation mentioned above. The Climate Change Law, which is believed to establish thorough legal regulation of climate change management, is being drafted.

Bu çalışma, Türkiye-Avrupa Birliği ilişkileri bağlamında Recep Tayyip Erdoğan'ın AB söyleminin dinamiklerini anlamayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu minvalde çalışma Nisan 2003 ile Aralık 2007 tarih aralığında, Erdoğan'ın uluslararası platformlarda yaptığı konuşmalardaki AB söylemini eleştirel söylem analizi yöntemi ile incelemektedir. Çalışmanın ilk bölümü olan teorik ve kavramsal çerçeve, söylem analizine odaklanır, söylem analizinin tarihsel süreci ve söylem analizinin çalışmada kullanılan alt yaklaşımları burada aktarılır. İkinci bölüm, Türkiye-AB ilişkilerini AK Parti öncesi ve sonrası ayrımı ile tarihsel açıdan inceler. Son olarak üçüncü bölüm, Erdoğan'ın siyasi hayatını, genel söylemini ve AB'ye bakış açısını ortaya koyar, Erdoğan'ın AB söylemini eleştirel söylem analizi yöntemi ile analiz eder. Sonuç bölümü, Erdoğan'ın ilgili tarih aralığında AB'nin norm ve değerlerine uygun bir söylem geliştirdiği, Türkiye'nin bu değerlerin bir parçası olduğunun vurgulandığı sonucuna ulaşır. Çalışma, bu söylemin yapı taşlarını Türkiye'nin motivasyonu, Türkiye'de gerçekleştirilen reformlar, serbest piyasa ekonomisine uyum, Avrupa ile Türkiye arasındaki kültürel ortak değerler ve son olarak medeniyetler çatışmasına karşın medeniyetler uyumu çerçevesinde küresel barış ve refah olarak tespit eder. ; This study aims to understand the dynamics of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's European Union discourse in the context of Turkey-EU Relations. In this regard, the study examines the Erdoğan's discourse toward the EU on international platforms between April 2003 and December 2007 by using a critical discourse analysis method. The very first part of the study, the theoretical and conceptual framework, focuses on discourse analysis. The historical process of discourse analysis and the sub-approaches used in the study are examined in the same part. The second part periodizes Turkey-EU relations as before and after the AK Party with a historical perspective. Finally, the third part reveals Erdoğan's political life, his general discourse, and his perspective on the EU and investigates Erdoğan's EU discourse with a critical discourse analysis method. In the final part, it is concluded that Erdoğan has developed an appropriate discourse by the norms and values of the EU and emphasizes that Turkey is part of these values. Finally, this study considers the main elements of Erdoğan's discourse as Turkey's motivation, the reforms carried out in Turkey, adaption to the free market economy, cultural common values between Europe and Turkey, and global peace and prosperity within the civilizational harmony despite the clash of civilizations.

The article intends to identify whether and to what extent the educational activities supported by the European action programmes of the Council of Europe (CoE),as well as the European Union (EU), contribute to the promotion of active European citizenship. Taking into consideration that an effort is taking place to actively involve citizens – especially the youth – in public life at the national and European level, and that active citizenship is not limited exclusively to voting, a question arises: How to activate and enhance the participation of young people in public life? With reference to the EU, this question could be formulated as follows: Ηas a sense of belonging to a European demosbeen consolidated? Alternatively: Are young – mainly – people familiar with the democratic processes at the European level, such as European elections? In a Europe characterised by political apathy, social racism,racial discriminations and high unemployment rates, what would be the outcome of the efforts of the CoE and the EU on civic education? What has been recorded in the European countries where relevant programmes are implemented?[i]This analysis will also provide an answer on the future of Europe and its transition to a more democratic construction. [i]The example of Greece, England and France is studied.

Der Artikel liefert einen Überblick über die Kernannahmen der labour revitalisation studies (LRS), um dann die mögliche Bereicherung dieses intellektuell-politischen Feldes durch einen stärkeren Fokus auf Erfahrungen mit gewerkschaftlicher Krise und Erneuerung im Globalen Süden zu diskutieren. Mit Bezug auf vorhandene wissenschaftliche Literatur behandelt er ein breites Spektrum empirischer Beispiele aus verschiedenen Weltregionen, geordnet entlang von vier thematischen Linien: transnationales Gewerkschaftshandeln, die Organisierung informeller und prekärer Beschäftigter, die gewerkschaftliche Auseinandersetzung mit der geschlechtlichen Natur von Arbeit und die komplexe Beziehung zwischen Gewerkschaften und dem Staat. Der Artikel argumentiert, dass die LRS als "globale Konversation" betrachtet werden sollten. Weiterhin plädiert er für eine Horizonterweiterung über traditionelle Gewerkschaftsorganisationen und ihre Handlungsrepertoires hinaus, aber auch für die Überwindung falscher Dichotomien zwischen Erneuerungsinitiativen, die "innerhalb", und anderen, die "außerhalb" etablierter Gewerkschaften entstehen.

This book on Reflections on European Values is a Liber Amicorum honouring Loek Halman's contribution to the European Values Study. For years, he has been a key figure in this longitudinal and cross-national research project on moral, social, and political values, dedicating his academic life to advancing the understanding of values in Europe. This Liber Amicorum is published at the occasion of Loek's retirement after a long career at the Department of Sociology at Tilburg University. It brings together essays on the study of European values, written by his academic friends. The 32 chapters in this volume are structured in five themes that reflect Loek's scholarly interest. A first group of contributions presents theoretical and methodological reflections on the European Values Study. Second, essays on the sociology of religion reflect Loek's interest in this topic. Third, comparative studies using the European Values Study are presented. The fourth part focuses on a case most well-known : the Netherlands. The fifth and final section further deepens the understanding of values in several specific countries in Europe. Upon his retirement, this book will serve as an inspiration for scholars who want to walk in Loek Halman's footsteps in continuing research on values in Europe.

Die Dissertation zeigt die Vermittlungsprobleme auf, die sich in der politischen Bildung bei komplexen Themen wie Globalisierung oder europäischer Integration stellen, und stellt einen neuen politikdidaktischen Ansatz zur Diskussion, der Politikverständnis in einer globalisierten Welt erreichen will. ; The Thesis analyses the problems of teaching complex political topics such as globalisation and European integration and presents a new approach to teaching politics in a globalized world.

Der Europäische Rat von Tampere hat in seiner Tagung vom 15.-16. Oktober 1999 den aus dem Gemeinschaftsrecht stammenden Grundsatz der gegenseitigen Anerkennung als "Eckstein" der justiziellen Zusammenarbeit angenommen. Das Ziel ist die Vereinfachung und Beschleunigung der Rechtshilfe zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten der Europäischen Union. Aus diesem Grund hat dieser Grundsatz auf Unionsebene eine weitgehende Anwendung erfahren. Im Vordergrund stehen der Europäische Haftbefehl und die Rechtsprechung des Europäischen Gerichtshofs zum ne-bis-in-idem-Grundsatz. Dennoch impliziert seine Anwendung Verluste an staatlicher Souveränität und potentielle Konflikte mit den Grundrechten des Verfolgten. Solche Konflikte haben bereits Anlass zur Rechtsprechung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts ("Europäischer Haftbefehl") und des Europäischen Gerichtshofs ("Pupino", "Europäischer Haftbefehl") gegeben. Die Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit den kriminalpolitischen Grundlagen, der rechtspolitischen Kritik und den dogmatischen Folgen der Einführung des Grundsatzes der gegenseitigen Anerkennung in das Rechtshilferecht. Zu diesem Zweck wird auf den unionsrechtlichen Rahmen und die einzelnen Maßnahmen Bezug genommen

This article aims to explain attitudes towards the European Union in Central and East European countries. We propose a model that combines economic and political variables at two levels of explanation: the individual and the national. Using a cross-sectional time series data set compiled from Central and Eastern Euro barometer surveys, we demonstrate that individual attitudes towards domestic economic and political reforms are good predictors of citizens' attitudes towards the European Union in Central and East European countries. Macro dimensions, such as economic and political performance, have an impact on attitudes towards the EU, particularly in candidate countries. Finally, a multiplicative model with interaction effects between the individual level and the macro level suggests that attitudes have a stronger impact if the domestic conditions are good. If the country is in bad shape, the attitudes are less relevant. ; Ця стаття прагне пояснити ставлення до Європейського Союзу в Центральній та Східній Європі. Ми пропонуємо модель, яка поєднує в собі економічні та політичні змінні на двох рівнях пояснення: індивідуальному і національному. Використовуючи дані перетину тимчасових рядів, складену за допомогою результатів барометру обстежень у Центральній та Східній Європі, ми покажемо, що позитивне ставлення до окремих внутрішніх економічних і політичних реформ є добрими провісниками позитивного ставлення громадян до вступу до Європейського Союзу в Центральній та Східній Європі. Такі макропоказники, як економічна і політична діяльність, мають вплив на ставлення до ЄС, особливо в країнах-кандидатах. Нарешті, мультиплікативна модель з ефектами взаємодії між індивідуальним рівнем та макро рівнем припускає, що відносини мають більш сильний вплив на вступ до ЄС за сприятливих внутрішніх умов. Якщо країна знаходиться в поганому стані, ставлення є менш суттєвим.

'Der Artikel präsentiert vor dem Hintergrund soziologischer Theorien zur europäischen Identität Daten über die Europaverbundenheit der ÖsterreicherInnen. Zunächst werden theoretische Konzepte vorgestellt, die sich grundsätzlich zu deren Beschreibung eignen: die auf Simmel zurückgehende Theorie der multiplen Identitäten, Tajfels und Turners 'Social Identity'-Theorie sowie Festingers Gedanken zum Sozialen Vergleich. Anschließend wird untersucht, welche Rahmenbedingungen für eine europäische Identität gegeben sind bzw. welche nötig wären. Als prinzipielle Möglichkeiten von Identitätsinhalten werden politische und kulturelle Identitäten kontrastiert. Der Beitrag kommt zur Schlussfolgerung, dass eine europäische Identität wohl eher als eine politische möglich ist. Im nachfolgenden empirischen Teil werden schließlich Eurobarometer-Daten der letzten Jahre analysiert und dahingehend interpretiert, dass die europäische Identität der ÖsterreicherInnen, so überhaupt vorhanden, v. a. von der stärkeren nationalen Identität bestimmt ist. Die Daten belegen, dass die nunmehr neun-jährige Mitgliedschaft Österreichs in der EU zu keiner Intensivierung der emotionalen Bindung an die EU beigetragen hat.' (Autorenreferat)

We use a two-country model with a central bank maximizing union-wide welfare and two fiscal authorities minimizing comparable, but slightly different country-wide losses. We analyze the rivalry between the three authorities in seven static games. Comparing a homogeneous with a heterogeneous monetary union, we find welfare losses to be significantly larger in the heterogeneous union. The best-performing scenarios are cooperation between all authorities and monetary leadership. Cooperation between the fiscal authorities is harmful to both the whole union's and the country-specific welfare.