Suchergebnisse

The results of the UK referendum in favour of leaving the European Union (EU) clearly put into question the European economic and political project as well as its institutional structure. This article argues that the Brexit may be a momentum to reform the institutional structure and procedural rules through which tax policy is made at the EU level. The UK referendum is indeed unlikely to further slow down the EU harmonization process in tax matters, which has always followed a tortuous path. Instead, the Brexit may give momentum to reform major weaknesses of the EU institutional and decision-making process in tax matters, in particular the unanimity rule and the role of the European Parliament. Finally, with regard to taxation specifically, the establishment of an EU tax, providing the EU with sufficient genuine own resource, could also reinforce EU's legitimacy by countering the criticisms related to Member States' contribution to the European budget.

The EU lacks a single legislation on port matters, except for provisions concerning port facilities and the operations of certain technical port services. Europe has more than 1200 ports, of which 319 are global and basic, integrated into the TransEuropean Transport Networks as a whole. Ports play an essential role in the EU trade and passenger services, as they are key nodes in global trade networks. 74% of non-EU trade takes place through ports. The European port sector is not homogeneous and is based on different organizational models. European port diversity (in term of size and type of organizational) makes it difficult to define a joint strategy. This work addresses the analysis of progress in the construction of a common port policy, as well as the different cross-conceptions of the maritime port business agents. ; La Unión Europea carece de una legislación única en materia portuaria, salvo disposiciones relativas a las instalaciones portuarias y al funcionamiento de determinados servicios técnico-náuticos. Europa cuenta con más de 1.200 puertos, de los que 319 entre globales y básicos están integrados en el conjunto de las Redes Transeuropeas de Transporte. Los puertos desempeñan un rol esencial en lo que se refiere a los intercambios comerciales de la UE y en lo que concierne al servicio de pasajeros en la medida que son nodos clave en la red comercial mundial. Así, el 74% de las mercancías extracomunitarias se envían a través de los puertos. El sector portuario europeo no es homogéneo y reposa sobre diversos modelos organizativos. La diversidad portuaria europea, con diferenciación significativa en cuanto a tamaño, tipo, organización y forma de conectarse, hace difícil definir una estrategia conjunta para afrontar los grandes retos actuales. El trabajo aborda el análisis de los avances en la construcción de una política común portuaria y al mismo tiempo se exponen las distintas concepciones cruzadas de los actores del negocio marítimo y portuario. ; A Unión Europea carece dunha lexislación única en materia portuaria, agás disposicións relativas ás instalacións portuarias e ao funcionamento de determinados servizos técnico-náuticos. Europa conta con máis de 1.200 portos, dos que 319 entre glo-bais e básicos están integrados no conxunto das Redes Transeuropeas de Transporte. Os portos desempeñan un rol esencial no tocante aos intercambios comerciais da UE e no que concirne ao servizo de pasaxeiros na medida en que son nós claves na rede comercial mundial. Así, o 74% das mercadorías extracomunitarias envíanse a través dos portos. O sector portuario eu-ropeo non é homoxéneo e repousa sobre diversos modelos organizativos. A diversidade portuaria europea, con diferencia-ción significativa en canto a tamaño, tipo, organización e forma de conectarse, fai difícil definir unha estratexia conxunta para afrontar os grandes retos actuais. O traballo aborda a análise dos avances na construción dunha política común portuaria e asemade expóñense as distintas concepcións cruzadas dos actores do negocio marítimo e portuario.

The EUROSUR system is supposed to further the surveillance of external borders of European Union Member States. From this point of view, it can be considered an important step in the construction of a controlled space. Drawing inspiration from the Foucauldian attention to programs and technologies, and mobilizing the Actor- Network-Theory concepts of setting and actant, the paper investigates EUROSUR main methodological operations. It highlights how the making of a controlled space is, first and foremost, a mise-en-discours going well beyond surveillance and pro- hibition: a continuous effort to make sense of a disparate multiplicity, encompassing both human and nonhuman elements, both controlled and controlling ones. From a theoretical perspective, the chapter contributes to on-going endeavors to reinvigor- ate the post-structuralist studies of International Relations with approaches inspired by Actor-Network-Theory.

This article investigates what happens when governmental actors foster the participation of non-state actors (NSAs) in treaty ratification and implementation decisions. NSAs, being non-governmental organisations, business groups, citizens, or research institutions among others represent interests that will be ultimately impacted by policy choices. While governments have long consulted them on an ad hoc basis, a "deliberative turn" happened in the 2000s to encourage their involvement, for greater legitimacy and transparency, through among others, the use of public consultations. This proactive turn raises questions about public consultations: are such instruments effective? Do they encourage new thinking? Do they matter for final decisions? This article answers these questions by investigating, using among others lexicometry tools, the public consultation organised by the European Commission in 2011 prior to the ratification of the Nagoya Protocol on access and benefit sharing (ABS) by the European Union in 2014. The results are mixed. While the studied public consultation favoured the expression of small national NSAs the process is still poorly inclusive. NSAs did not propose any fresh ideas on the ABS issue and their final influence on European decision-makers is blurred by the diversity of interests expressed.

O Plan de prevención do suicidio en Galicia nace cun dobre obxectivo: reducir a taxa de suicidio e establecer medidas para diminuír o sufrimento das persoas que presentan un intento de suicidio e das súas familias. Este plan establece un compromiso claro do Goberno galego con relación ao problema do suicidio, a prol dunha resposta integral das institucións para a súa prevención. Un aspecto considerado clave é conseguir que a prevención do suicidio sexa una prioridade multisectorial, integrando a todos os axentes implicados nunha mesma estratexia. Con este plan quérese priorizar a prevención do suicidio na axenda da atención á saúde mental e concienciar acerca do suicidio como un problema global. ; El Plan de prevención del suicidio en Galicia nace con un doble objetivo: reducir la tasa de suicidio y establecer medidas para disminuir el sufrimiento de las personas que presentan un intento de suicidio y de sus familias. Este plan establece un compromiso claro del gobierno gallego con relación al problema del suicidio, en favor de una respuesta integral de las instituciones para su prevención. Un aspecto considerado clave es conseguir que la prevención del suicidio sea una prioridad multisectorial, integrando a todos los agentes implicados en una misma estrategia. Con este plan se quiere priorizar la prevención del suicidio en la agenda de la atención a la salud mental y concienciar acerca del suicidio como un problema global.

Avalíase o impacto en Galicia da implementación do Programa Operativo para e polo beneficio da I+D+i empresarial-Fondo Tecnolóxico 2007-2013, que constituíu un instrumento singular das políticas de innovación financiado polos Fondos Estruturais da Unión Europea e dirixido ás comunidades autónomas españolas do Obxectivo Converxencia da Unión Europea. A través da análise proposta trátase de identificar o impacto deste Programa plurianual –que mobilizou un importante volume de recursos e cuxa execución se estende ata 2015– na evolución do Sistema Galego de Innovación. Con ese fin analízanse os diferentes tipos de medidas e actuacións financiadas e o seu impacto nos principais indicadores de innovación (creación de capacidades, gasto en investigación e desenvolvemento, solicitude de patentes, persoal en investigación e desenvolvemento, infraestruturas, redes de colaboración, etc.), contrastando os obxectivos perseguidos e os resultados observados. Tamén se analizan aspectos institucionais e organizacionais que inciden no deseño, implementación e xestión das medidas e a súa posible incidencia nos seus efectos (fugas de recursos, dificultades de vertebración, concentración das actividades innovadoras nun número limitado de axentes, etc.). As conclusións extraídas permiten formular recomendacións para o deseño e implementación no territorio doutras políticas de investigación, desenvolvemento e innovación. Palabras ; The aim of this study is to evaluate the implementation and the impact in Galicia of the Operational Programme for the benefit of business, Research, Development & Innovation-Technology Fund 2007-2013, which was a unique instrument of innovation policies financed by the European Union Structural Funds and addressed to the Spanish Autonomous Regions of the European Union Convergence Objective. Through the proposed analysis, we identify the impact of this Multiannual Programme –which mobilised a significant volume of resources and whose execution extends until 2015– on the evolution of the Galician Innovation System. To this end, the different types of measures and actions financed and their impact on the main innovation indicators (capacity building, Research & Development expenditure, patent applications, Research & Development personnel, infrastructures, collaboration networks, etc.) are analysed, contrasting the objectives pursued and the results observed. Institutional and organisational aspects that affect the design, implementation and management of measures and their possible impact on their effects (leakage of resources, vertebration difficulties, concentration of innovative activities in a limited number of agents, etc.) are also analysed. The conclusions make it possible to formulate recommendations for the design and implementation in the territory of other Research & Development & Innovation policies. ; Se evalúa el impacto en Galicia de la implementación del Programa Operativo para y por el beneficio de la I+D+i empresarial- -Fondo Tecnológico 2007-2013, que ha constituido un instrumento singular de las políticas de innovación financiado por los Fondos Estructurales de la Unión Europea y dirigido a las comunidades autónomas españolas del Objetivo Convergencia de la Unión Europea. A través del análisis propuesto se trata de identificar el impacto de este Programa plurianual –que ha movilizado un importante volumen de recursos y cuya ejecución se extiende hasta 2015– en la evolución del Sistema Gallego de Innovación. Con ese fin se analizan los diferentes tipos de medidas y actuaciones financiadas y su impacto en los principales indicadores de innovación (creación de capacidades, gasto en investigación y desarrollo, solicitud de patentes, personal en investigación y desarrollo, infraestructuras, redes de colaboración, etc.), contrastando los objetivos perseguidos y los resultados observados. También se analizan aspectos institucionales y organizacionales que inciden en el diseño, implementación y gestión de las medidas y su posible incidencia en sus efectos (fugas de recursos, dificultades de vertebración, concentración de las actividades innovadoras en un número limitado de agentes, etc.). Las conclusiones extraídas permiten formular recomendaciones para el diseño e implementación en el territorio de otras políticas de investigación, desarrollo e innovación.

In recent years, public authorities and civil-society organisations, driven by increasing public disengagement and a growing sense of distrust between the public and their representatives, have been instituting exercises in public deliberation, often using 'mini-publics', that is relatively small groups of citizens, selected according to various criteria and representing different viewpoints, brought together to deliberate on a particular issue. From small-scale experiments, mini- publics have recently taken a constitutional turn, at least in Europe. Iceland and Ireland have turned to deliberative democracy to reform their constitutions. Estonia, Luxembourg and Romania have also experienced constitutional processes in a deliberative mode. In Belgium, the G1000, a citizen-led initiative of deliberative democracy, has fostered a wider public debate about the place and role of citizens in the country's democracy. At the same time, the European Union institutions have introduced different forms of deliberative democracy as a way to reconnect with citizens. These empirical cases are indicative of a possible 'constitutional turn' in deliberative democracy in Europe. These examples of constitution-making happened in a particular time and place but they may also serve as models for other events.

A STXUE de 26-7-2018 (Asunto M. B) declara o carácter discriminatorio dunha normativa nacional (británica) que esixe ás persoas transexuais casadas a anulación do seu matrimonio para acceder ao recoñecemento xurídico pleno do seu cambio de xénero, en tanto condicionante do acceso á pensión de xubilación á idade establecida polo ordenamento nacional para as persoas do sexo adquirido. Este axuizamento leva a cabo en relación á Directiva 79/7/CEE, do 19 de decembro de 1978 relativa á aplicación progresiva do principio de igualdade de trato entre homes e mulleres en materia de seguridade social. ; Este traballo analiza este pronunciamento xudicial situándoo no conxunto da (escasa) xurisprudencia comunitaria que abordou as consecuencias do cambio de sexo desde a normativa comunitaria de carácter socio-laboral. Apúntase tamén a ( fragmentaria e dispersa) regulación xurídica española relativa ao cambio de sexo-xénero e as consecuencias en materia de seguridade social. O traballo pon de manifesto que non son poucos -e leste é un deles- os casos nos que a pesar da diferenciación sexo-xénero ambos os termos utilízanse no mesmo sentido. O traballo avoga por un Dereito "de-xenerado" e "de-xenerador" no sentido sinalado pola autora no epílogo final. ; The ECJ ruling of 26th July 2018 (MB) declares the discriminatory nature of a national (British) regulation that requires married transgender people to annul their marriage in order to have full legal recognition of their gender change, as a conditioning factor of access to retirement pension at the age established by the national law for persons of acquired sex. This prosecution is carried out in relation to Directive 79/7/EEC of 19th December 1978 on the progressive application of the principle of equal treatment of men and women in social security. This paper analyzes this judicial pronouncement placing it in the whole of the (scarce) EU jurisprudence that has addressed the consequences of sex change in the EU regulations of a socio-labour nature. It also points to the (fragmented and dispersed) Spanish legal regulation regarding the sex-gender change and the consequences in terms of social security. The paper shows that there are not a few - and this is one of them - cases in which, despite the sex-gender differentiation, both terms are used in the same sense. The paper advocates a Law "de-generated" and "degenerator" in the sense indicated by the author in the final epilogue.

The Red Devils, chocolate or beer and the King, such is the typical answers given to the oft-asked question of what is still holding Belgium together. To these three symbols, two extra elements are often added: the debt and Brussels, the capital of the country and of the Flemish Region/Community, the French Community (politically but not constitutionally the Wallonia-Brussels Federation), the European Union (to be more specific, one of the three capitals, along with Strasbourg and Luxemburg), while being as well the seat of the Brussels Capital Region. Generally, the list of factors of unity in Belgium ends with this short list. Is it already too long, or on the contrary, is it really too short? This is the main question of this chapter. Paradoxically, although this question often arises, there are very few scientific writings analyzing it. To do so, this chapter will discuss six sets of factors: historical, identity, socio-economic, political, international and symbolic. Nonetheless, it is important to take into account that such enterprise seeks to be informative and not prescriptive. This chapter does not assume that Belgium should be united. There are several points of view about what Belgium should be, and this contribution merely wishes to nurture the political debate by conveying an original approach on six types of factors.