Suchergebnisse

It is an old concern in public and academic debates that people are not interested in European-level issues, and even European Parliamentary election campaigns, which are the main democratic tools of the European Union (EU) to involve ordinary people into political decision-making, are mostly about national-level political topics. Moreover, even when European issues emerge, the context of its discussion is often harmful to European integration and strengthens the perceived importance of domestic politics. In the age of social media, however, users' content preferences may significantly affect the presence of different political levels in political campaigns, but these preferences are still largely uncovered in academic literature. To fill this gap, we investigate the direct and moderated effects of European-focused Facebook posts on user engagement drawing upon a content analysis dataset including 9,688 posts of 68 parties from 12 EU countries. In line with the well-known second-order election hypothesis (Reif & Schmitt, 1980) we hypothesize a negative direct main effect. However, we also assume that this effect is moderated by several content-, and party-level factors, and when people engage with European-level contents they do it with those ones that are posted by populist parties, focused on a few divisive hot topics, and are framed with a negative tone. Moreover, we expect cross-country differences. We find that on the whole, user engagement with national-level political content prevails over the European-level, but in some countries there are no remarkable differences in user engagement patterns of the two levels. While our findings mostly confirm the second-order election hypothesis, they also demonstrate that European politics can spread within social media platforms in a less divisive and negative way than we expected. European-focused posts do not perform better when they are posted by populist parties, focused selectively on the salient issues of immigration or environment, or framed in a negative way.

It is an old concern in public and academic debates that people are not interested in European‐level issues, and even European Parliamentary election campaigns, which are the main democratic tools of the European Union (EU) to involve ordinary people into political decision‐making, are mostly about national‐level political topics. Moreover, even when European issues emerge, the context of its discussion is often harmful to European integration and strengthens the per‐ ceived importance of domestic politics. In the age of social media, however, users' content preferences may significantly affect the presence of different political levels in political campaigns, but these preferences are still largely uncovered in academic literature. To fill this gap, we investigate the direct and moderated effects of European‐focused Facebook posts on user engagement drawing upon a content analysis dataset including 9,688 posts of 68 parties from 12 EU countries. In line with the well‐known second‐order election hypothesis (Reif & Schmitt, 1980) we hypothesize a negative direct main effect. However, we also assume that this effect is moderated by several content‐, and party‐level factors, and when people engage with European‐level contents they do it with those ones that are posted by populist parties, focused on a few divisive hot topics, and are framed with a negative tone. Moreover, we expect cross‐country differences. We find that on the whole, user engagement with national‐level political content prevails over the European‐level, but in some countries there are no remarkable differences in user engagement patterns of the two levels. While our findings mostly confirm the second‐order election hypothesis, they also demonstrate that European politics can spread within social media platforms in a less divisive and negative way than we expected. European‐focused posts do not perform better when they are posted by populist parties, focused selectively on the salient issues of immigration or environment, or framed in a negative way.

Термин «несостоявшееся государство» был предложен научным сообществом ещё в 1993 г., однако в официальных документах Европейского Союза он впервые появляется лишь десять лет спустя в Европейской стратегии безопасности. В данной статье анализируются документы Европейской Комиссии и Европейского Совета, выпущенные в 1990-е гг. для того, чтобы проследить начало формирования политики Европейского Союза по отношению к несостоявшимся государствам. В частности, отмечается, как эта отдельная политика выкристаллизовывалась из общей политики, направленной на помощь развивающимся странам, в особенности странам группы Африки, Карибского бассейна и Тихого океана как традиционным реципиентам помощи со стороны ЕС и как группы стран, среди которых наиболее значительное количество государств, подходящих под определение «несостоявшихся». Кроме того, отмечается, что значительную роль в формировании политики по отношению к несостоявшимся государствам сыграл фактор безопасности. ; The notion of "failed state" was introduced by the scientific society as long ago as in 1993, but it appeared in the official documents of the European Union only ten years after, in the European Security Strategy. This paper analyses the official documents of the European Commission and the European Council issued in the 1990s in order to trace the origins of the development of the EU's policy towards failed states. In particular the author looks at how this policy was crystalized from more general development policy, especially aimed toward ACP countries as the traditional recipients of the EU's aid and also as a group of countries many of which fall under the category of "failed". It is also noted that security factor was important in the development of the policy toward failed states.

Discusses regional autonomy and state paradigm shifts, transnational governance and changing borders, and economic aspects of tourism policy; uses Australian regional policy as model for the European Union; 6 articles. Some focus on relations between different levels of government.

Contrasts the view from afar of some American scholars, that Germany's acquisition of nuclear weapons would strengthen the forces of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union, with views held in France and Great Britain. Summary in English.

Germany's has long been held up as a competitive, bank-based financial system, providing long-term and secure finance for industrial and service companies. The emphasis here is on the international market and regulatory conditions which have helped to transform the financial system. In the 1980s, the government remained averse to any 'Big Bang' experiment, adapting national securities markets to policy initiatives in the US, and in London and Paris. This aversion was rooted in Bundesbank opposition to the development of money markets, and to the practice of corporate-bank-insurance cross-shareholding among Germany's big publicly listed corporations. The politics of 'Finanzplatz Deutschland' achieved a balance between maintaining national institutions and adapting them carefully to international markets and regulation. Implementing monetary union and the European financial area in the 1990s and beyond amounts in effect to a 'Big Bang' policy which is already under way. The prospect of a liquid 'Euro'-market for securities, and increasingly competitive banking and insurance markets, spells a shift in German corporate policies towards Anglo-American practices. National cross-shareholding corporate structures will not long survive a single currency. (German Politics / FUB)

"The majority of rules adopted at the EU level are not issued by democratically elected institutions, but rather by administrative bodies which are empowered to exercise rule-making powers by legislative acts. This book analyses the legal mechanism through which these powers are conferred on the most relevant bodies in the EU institutional landscape, namely the European Commission, the Council, the ECB and EU agencies, and the democratic controls in place to limit and oversee the exercise of these powers. Providing an overarching perspective of the delegation of powers, this book reflects on the notion of delegation and on the commonalities between the different forms of delegation identified. It focuses on the legal requirements and limits for the delegating act, the procedures for the exercise of such powers, the position of the acts in the hierarchy of norms, and their judicial review. Overcoming the fragmentation which characterized the development of the different forms of delegation in the EU, this analysis provides a clear, structured and coherent picture of the legal framework for the delegation of powers in the light of the constitutional principles of this legal system. Academics and practitioners will equally appreciate this highly accessible addition to the current debate in legal scholarship of the delegation of powers in the EU, as well as its explanations on comitology and the empowerment of EU agencies"--

Consecuencias que para la CEE se derivaron de la solicitud de negociaciones enviada por la España franquista en febrero de 1962. Se trataba de la primera vez que la CEE recibía una petición de este tipo proveniente de un estado europeo cuyo régimen era dictatorial. La solicitud española abrió, en consecuencia, un debate en el seno de la CEE en torno a los límites políticos de la asociación, conducido discretamente en un contexto en el que la agenda comunitaria se enfrentaba a cuestiones más acuciantes. Un debate que, si bien fue zanjado con una solución intermedia materializada en el Acuerdo Preferencial de 1970, estableció un precedente en la política exterior de las Comunidades. ; In February 1962, the government of Francoist Spain followed Britain and other European countries' initiative by sending a request of negotiations to the EEC. For the first time, the EEC had to deal with a request coming from a dictatorial regime. The Spanish request opened subsequently a debate about the political terms of association to the EEC, which was to be developed in a somewhat discrete way as the Communities were facing at the time more pressing issues. The outcome of this was the Preferential Agreement signed with Spain in 1970, a sort of midway solution, but such a debate set up however a precedent in EEC's relations with third countries.

Due to globalization and market integration, the agro-food cooperative sector needs to be more competitive. This generates new challenges for cooperative enterprises in the agro-food sector. In this article the analysis of the wine producing sector is undertaken in the area of greatest world-wide wine production and commercialization, Castilla-La Mancha. EU wineries and cooperatives should propose strategic lines within an economy marked by a globalization process in world markets. The paradigmatic case is analyzed in this paper of the comparison of strategies followed by cooperatives confronting capitalist winery enterprises. Therefore, the degree of suitability is aimed to be elucidated and the success of the foundations of international commercial strategies that cooperative enterprises of the sector have followed, depending on their characteristics. Moreover, an exhaustive diagnosis is offered of the current strategic situation of cooperatives and their probability of gaining access to and/or growing in the international market. The parameters that have resulted significant are used as conclusions and recommendations so that cooperatives will reformulate their strategies and the organizations linked to the agro-food sector will know what factors to foment and support in their internationalization and global competitive positioning. ; Con la globalización y la integración de los mercados, el sector de las cooperativas agroalimentarias necesita ser más competitivo y esto genera nuevos retos a las empresas cooperativas del sector agroalimentario. En este artículo se acomete el análisis en el sector vinícola y en la zona mayor del mundo de producción y comercialización de vino: Castilla-La Mancha. Las bodegas y cooperativas de la Unión Europea, deben plantearse líneas estratégicas dentro de una economía que se encuentra marcada por un proceso de globalización de los mercados mundiales. En este trabajo se analiza el caso paradigmático de la comparativa de las estrategias seguidas por las cooperativas frente a las ...

This study aims to identify the main determinants of student performance in reading and maths across eight European Union countries (Austria, Croatia, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Portugal, Slovakia, and Slovenia). Based on student-level data from the OECD's PISA 2018 survey and by means of the application of efficient algorithms, we highlight that the number of books at home and a variable combining the type and location of their school represent the most important predictors of student performance in all of the analysed countries, while other school characteristics are rarely relevant. Econometric results show that students attending vocational schools perform significantly worse than those in general schools, except in Portugal. Considering only general school students, the differences between big and small cities are not statistically significant, while among students in vocational schools, those in a small city tend to perform better than those in a big city. Through the Gelbach decomposition method, which allows measuring the relative importance of observable characteristics in explaining a gap, we show that the differences in test scores between big and small cities depend on school characteristics, while the differences between general and vocational schools are mainly explained by family social status.