Suchergebnisse

This paper presents a quantitative analysis of the competitiveness of Spanish tomato export compared with its major competitors in the European Union market countries (EU28). The methodological framework is implemented through Constant Market Share to analyze variations in exports, allowing the portion attributable to competitiveness and segregation into general or specific competitiveness to be quantified. This analysis was carried out with the 2005-2009 and 2010-2014 periods to see if there had been a recovery from the global financial and economic crisis of 2007 in the Spanish tomato trade. Before the global economic and financial crisis, Spain had a positive structural effect of exports which contributed significantly to the growth of tomato sales to the EU, but had a negative change in the volume of exports to the EU28, mainly due to the negative effect of the competitiveness component. According to the segregation effect of competitiveness, a marked general negative competitive effect was evident, that cannot be offset by the positive effect of specific competitiveness. Since 2010, Spain has experienced a positive change in the volume of its tomato exports to the EU28, the competitiveness component also being positive, due to positive investment of the component of general competitiveness and whose greatest contribution was the positive effect of specific competitiveness. Within the group of competitors, Spain is the only country supplying tomatoes to the EU28 that has experienced a positive change in volume when comparing business performance of 2010-2014 vs 2005-2009.

Erasmus Programı, Avrupa Birliği'nin 1987 yılında yükseköğretim alanında oluşturduğu bir eğitim politikası olarak bilinmektedir. Program süreç içerisinde; küreselleşme, teknolojik gelişmeler ve Birliğin genişleyen yapısından kaynaklanan sebeplerden dolayı toplumsal ihtiyaçlara çözüm bulmak amacı güden bir yapıya dönüştürülmüştür. Başladığı yıldan beri 9 milyondan fazla bireyin yükseköğretim başta olmak üzere mesleki eğitim, okul eğitimi, yetişkin eğitimi ve gençlik eğitimi alanlarında faaliyet göstermesine olanak sağlamıştır. Türkiye, Avrupa Birliği'ne aday ülke olarak kabul edilmesi sonrasında 2004 yılında Erasmus Programından faydalanmaya başlamıştır. Literatür taraması yapıldığında böylesine geniş bir yelpazede faaliyet gösteren Erasmus Programı hakkında ülkemizde sınırlı sayıda araştırma yapıldığı tespit edilmiştir. Literatür taraması ve araştırmaya ilişkin bulgulardan oluşan bu çalışma ile Erasmus Programı'nın Avrupa'ya eğitim almak üzere giden yükseköğretim öğrencileri üzerindeki sosyo-kültürel etkileri incelenmiştir. Öğrencilerin karşılıklı değişimine olanak sağlayan Program çerçevesinde çeşitli dil, din, kültür ve uyruğa mensup öğrenciler bir arada eğitim görmesine rağmen bu sürecin öğrenciler, yükseköğretim kurumları ve ülkeler üzerinde yarattığı etkiler tam olarak bilinmemektedir. Bu bağlamda Türkiye'nin aday ülke konumunda olması nedeniyle yapılacak bu araştırma, gerek Türkiye'nin Avrupa Birliği'ne entegrasyonu gerekse yükseköğretim kurumlarının geleceği açısından önem arz etmektedi ; Erasmus Programme is known as the European Union educational policy that was launched in 1987. In the course of time; due to the globalisation, technological developments and enlargement of European Union, Erasmus Programme has been transformed into a formation that aims to find solutions for social requirements within the society. Since it began in 1987, Programme has provided the activities over 9 million people on higher education, vocational education, school education, adult education, and youth education. Turkey started to take advantage of Erasmus Programme in 2004 after its admission to European Union as a candidate country. When the literature review is performed on Erasmus Programme that is active on such a wide range of areas, it is seen that there is a limited research made in our country. With this study that including literature review and findings of sample reasearch, socio-cultural effects of Erasmus Programme on higher education students is examined. Although students from diverse range of language, religion and nationality are having education together within the framework of Programme, the effects of this process on higher education students, higher education institutions and countries is not exactly known. In this context, as Turkey is a candidate country to the European Union this study has an importance both in terms of Turkey's integration to the European Union and the future of higher education institutions .

Erasmus Programı, Avrupa Birliği'nin 1987 yılında yükseköğretim alanında oluşturduğu bir eğitim politikası olarak bilinmektedir. Program süreç içerisinde; küreselleşme, teknolojik gelişmeler ve Birliğin genişleyen yapısından kaynaklanan sebeplerden dolayı toplumsal ihtiyaçlara çözüm bulmak amacı güden bir yapıya dönüştürülmüştür. Başladığı yıldan beri 9 milyondan fazla bireyin yükseköğretim başta olmak üzere mesleki eğitim, okul eğitimi, yetişkin eğitimi ve gençlik eğitimi alanlarında faaliyet göstermesine olanak sağlamıştır. Türkiye, Avrupa Birliği'ne aday ülke olarak kabul edilmesi sonrasında 2004 yılında Erasmus Programından faydalanmaya başlamıştır. Literatür taraması yapıldığında böylesine geniş bir yelpazede faaliyet gösteren Erasmus Programı hakkında ülkemizde sınırlı sayıda araştırma yapıldığı tespit edilmiştir. Literatür taraması ve araştırmaya ilişkin bulgulardan oluşan bu çalışma ile Erasmus Programı'nın Avrupa'ya eğitim almak üzere giden yükseköğretim öğrencileri üzerindeki sosyo-kültürel etkileri incelenmiştir. Öğrencilerin karşılıklı değişimine olanak sağlayan Program çerçevesinde çeşitli dil, din, kültür ve uyruğa mensup öğrenciler bir arada eğitim görmesine rağmen bu sürecin öğrenciler, yükseköğretim kurumları ve ülkeler üzerinde yarattığı etkiler tam olarak bilinmemektedir. Bu bağlamda Türkiye'nin aday ülke konumunda olması nedeniyle yapılacak bu araştırma, gerek Türkiye'nin Avrupa Birliği'ne entegrasyonu gerekse yükseköğretim kurumlarının geleceği açısından önem arz etmektedir. ; Erasmus Programme is known as the European Union educational policy that was launched in 1987. In the course of time; due to the globalisation, technological developments and enlargement of European Union, Erasmus Programme has been transformed into a formation that aims to find solutions for social requirements within the society. Since it began in 1987, Programme has provided the activities over 9 million people on higher education, vocational education, school education, adult education, and youth education. Turkey started to take advantage of Erasmus Programme in 2004 after its admission to European Union as a candidate country. When the literature review is performed on Erasmus Programme that is active on such a wide range of areas, it is seen that there is a limited research made in our country. With this study that including literature review and findings of sample reasearch, socio-cultural effects of Erasmus Programme on higher education students is examined. Although students from diverse range of language, religion and nationality are having education together within the framework of Programme, the effects of this process on higher education students, higher education institutions and countries is not exactly known. In this context, as Turkey is a candidate country to the European Union this study has an importance both in terms of Turkey's integration to the European Union and the future of higher education institutions .

Women are inadequately represented in the decision-making structures of trade unions, in their European representative organisations and hence also in the European Social Dialogue. The article describes a series of innovatory workshops mounted in Brussels in the summer of 1995, bringing together women grassroots activists of the automobile components manufacturing sector, the railways, and industrial cleaning. The participants generated a comparison of the employment of women in different European member states and worked towards a women's collective bargaining and policy agenda for their different sectors. Practical steps towards gender democracy in the union structures were emphasised, for without them a women's agenda was unlikely to be effectively pursued.

This paper provides a conceptual analysis of the EU's legitimation status through the lens of a realist account of legitimacy. We propose a modification of Bernard Williams' theory of liberal legitimacy, and use it to make sense of the widely perceived legitimation crisis of the EU. In Williams' well-known formula, "Basic Legitimation Demand + Modernity = Liberalism". Drawing on that model, we put forward three main claims. (i) The right side of the equation is insufficiently sensitive to the importance of popular sovereignty in Western constitutional traditions; (ii) The left side of the equation is best thought of as a 'legitimation story': an account of what plausibly sustains belief in legitimacy. This is, however, not a purely descriptive notion: attending to the meaning of politics in the relevant context rules out both violent domination and ideologically distorted legitimation stories, thus providing a non-moralised normative component for the position. (iii) While most EU member states ostensibly support the Union, the legitimation story offered by the member states to its citizens draws upon a tradition of popular sovereignty that sit badly with the supranational pooling and delegation of sovereign powers that characterises the EU rule. That, we maintain, explains the current legitimation crisis of the EU. Further, we argue that the realist framework requires a solution to the legitimation problem before any advances can be made on the front of social justice. This discussion paper is part of a series of contributions to the conference "Towards a Grammar of Justice in EU Law", which took place on 6-7 November 2014 at VU University Amsterdam, sponsored by ACCESS EUROPE Amsterdam, VU Centre for European Legal Studies and the Dutch Research Council VENI grant.

Celem artykułu jest ukazanie uwarunkowań reorientacji polityki Unii wobec regionu Afryki Północnej po roku 2011, w związku z jej zaangażowaniem podczas 'arabskiej wiosny', a także analiza zakresu nowego podejścia w odniesieniu do praktycznych możliwości wdrażania unijnych instrumentów polityk. Powyższe rozważania pozwolą na przedstawienie wniosków dotyczących dalszego zaangażowania Unii Europejskiej w regionie Afryki Północnej i budowy nowych ram podejścia strategicznego UE w tym regionie, zarówno na płaszczyźnie ustalania interesów na arenie brukselskiej, jak i przedstawienia wypracowanego stanowiska i uruchomienia działań na arenie międzynarodowej. ; The paper attempts to indicate the determinants of the reorientation of the European Union's policy towards North Africa after 2011 on account of the EU's involvement in the Arab Spring and to analyze the new attitude to the possibilities of practical implementation of EU policy instruments. These considerations allow conclusions on further EU involvement in North Africa and building new frameworks for the EU's strategic approach in this region to be presented both in terms of how various interests are established in Brussels and how the joint standpoint is presented and practical activities launched internationally.

Partial contents: New trends in Soviet-Eastern European economic relations; Poland's crisis and its impact on COMECON; The East German question; Relations between Eastern Europe and China.

In Northern, Eastern and Central European countries, peat soils drained for agriculture are a considerable source of greenhouse gas emissions. Since emissions from this source have high mitigation potential, they will likely be a focus of the European Union's future climate goals. We describe and compare the similarities and differences in the socioeconomic and ecological business environment that policy makers, planners and farmers are confronted with when developing tailored proposals for low emission land use alternatives on peat land. The analysis is based on interviews with 33 typical farmers cultivating organic soils and on expert group discussions held in six different Northern, Eastern and Central European regions. Based on the Social-Ecological System Framework we identify and cluster important variables. Our results show that mainly hard economic variables determine preferred land use alternatives: the productivity of resource systems, the economic value of land and market incentives. Other variables, such as the heterogeneity of users and conflicts among them, are more important with respect to the implementation of alternatives. We point out possibilities to transfer solutions between regions and discuss an institutional framework for European Union, national and regional levels for facilitating implementation potential.

In times of crisis the classical linkage between leadership and reform emerges with a renewed relevance. This issue has gained particular importance in the European Union due to its peculiar supranational consensus culture. From the inception of the Communities until the current global economic crisis, the history of integration offers abundant examples of national and EU-wide structural readjustments that have brought to the fore exceptional leadership.

Defense Date: 27/03/2009 ; Examining Board: Derek Beach (University of Aarhus), Adrienne Héritier (EUI/RSCAS) (Supervisor), Jonas Tallberg (University of Stockholm), Jacques Ziller (University of Pavia, formerly EUI, Law Department) ; This study examines the impact of the decision-making rules, procedures and practices of the European Union on the ability of small Member States to influence Treaty negotiation outcomes, and assesses the causality of this influence in Treaty-revision. Within Treatymaking processes, actor influence is here expected to vary according to the institutional preconditions, and small states are presumed to benefit from particular type of decisionmaking rules to the disadvantage of others. The fundamental aim of the study is therefore to investigate the conditions under which small state influence increases in European Union Treaty-negotiations. To explain this puzzle, a distinction is made between two types of Treaty-making processes, those of the Intergovernmental Conferences and the Convention, which allows for subsequent comparisons between the decision-making rules of unanimity and restricted consensus. In order to empirically test the underlying hypotheses, explicit units of observation are chosen from the IGCs of Amsterdam, Nice and 2003-04, and the Convention on the Future of the EU. In-depth comparisons are made between four small Member States – Belgium, Denmark, Finland and Ireland – and their de facto influence is process-traced through three substantial issues of the institutional reform: the composition of the Commission, the extension of qualified majority voting and the reform of Council Presidency. The empirical analysis focuses on both informal and formal levels of decisionmaking dynamics, and a further analytical distinction is made between bargaining and deliberation modes of conflict-resolution. Drawing initially on theories of rational choice institutionalism (RCI) and liberal intergovernmentalism (LI), the unanimity rule as applied in the IGCs is expected to strengthen the formal position of an individual small state by providing, respectively, a veto-right for each negotiator and promoting asymmetric interdependency. The empirical findings confirm the major underlying hypothesis concerning the correlation between the adopted decision-making rules and the small states' impact on distributional outcomes in the EU Treaty-amending negotiations on the one hand, and the superiority of the unanimity rule for small states on the other. Yet, a couple of additional key success factors – other than can be explained exclusively along the conjectures of RCI or LI schools – are also identified in the study.

Public opinion on the European Union (EU) is significant and therefore a worthwhile topic of consideration. Analyses have identified and ordered the factors that impact public opinion on the EU, as well analyzed the efficacy of EU funds. Yet the confluence of these two lines of inquiry is understudied. Some Member States have surpluses and others deficits relative to the EU budget, which could impact citizens' perceptions of the EU. To gauge this potential relationship, this article notes deficit and surplus Member States and responses to one Eurobarometer question about trust in the European Commission from 2000-2013. These variables are used to evaluate the EU budget's impact on public opinion towards the EU. The data suggest that there is a limited correlation between the two. EU funds are overshadowed as a cause of public opinion formation on the EU by other forces, but can still influence it at the margins.