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World Affairs Online
Nieuwe wegen voor Europa? De Europese Unie in het jaar 2000
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 43, Heft 2-3, S. 343-368
ISSN: 0486-4700
HET TAALGEBRUIK IN DE INSTELLINGEN VAN DE EUROPESE UNIE. EEN KLUWEN VAN POLITIEKE, CULTURELE EN MANAGEMENTPROBLEMEN
In: Studia diplomatica: Brussels journal of international relations, Band 56, Heft 3, S. 49-92
ISSN: 0770-2965
Slapende reus: feit of fictie? Een analyse van het effect van Europese integratie op stemdrag in nationale van Europese integratie op stemgedrag in nationale verkiezingen
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 53, Heft 1, S. 117-119
ISSN: 0486-4700
In the last twenty years, a lot has changed in the process of European integration. The direct competence of the EU in many areas continues to increase without doing them the way we've always done them. In other words, the European train is hurtling full speed ahead. Adapted from the source document.
Lobbying in de Europese Unie: Is er nog toekomst voor nationale belangengroepen?
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 45, Heft 4, S. 673
ISSN: 0486-4700
Ignalinan tapaus. Liettualaiset ympäristöjärjestöt Euroopan integraation ja kansallisen suvereniteettipolitiikan ristipaineessa
Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan erästä Euroopan integraation vähemmän tutkittua ulottuvuutta: integraation vaikutuksia jälkikommunistisen yhteiskunnan kansalaisjärjestöihin. Liettualainen ympäristöjärjestösektori ja Ignalinan ydinvoimalan tapaus tarjoavat rajallisen, mutta samalla hyvin konkreettisen näkökulman kysymyksen tarkastelemiseksi. Tutkimus nojaa vuosina 2001-2003 kerätyn haastatteluaineiston laadulliseen analyysiin. Ignalinan ydinvoimalan tapauksen perusteella voidaan tulkita liettualaisten ympäristöjärjestöjen kohtaamia muutospaineita neuvostoajan lopulta aina Liettuan EU-jäsenyyteen saakka. Ignalinan ydinvoimalan ympärille keskittynyt liikehdintä oli yksi keskeisimmistä neuvostovallan vastaisen protestin välineistä 1980-luvun lopun Liettuassa. Ignalinan ydinvoimalasta muodostui tuolloin neuvostovallan poliittinen symboli; protestointi ydinvoimalaa vastaan oli samalla vastalause Moskovan sanelupolitiikalle ja vallitsevalle yhteiskunnalliselle järjestykselle. Ignalinan poliittinen symboliasema kuitenkin muuttui radikaalisti Liettuan itsenäisyysjulistuksen myötä: voimalasta muodostui niin taloudellisesti kuin poliittisestikin tärkeä kansallisen suvereniteetin osa. 1990-luvun lopulla ydinvoimalan poliittisen symboliaseman muutos sai yhä vahvemman ilmentymän EU:n esittäessä Ignalinan molempien reaktoreiden alasajoa ennen niiden lasketun käyttöiän umpeutumista. Eräät liettualaiset ympäristöjärjestöt toimivat aktiivisesti osana laajempia eurooppalaisia kansalaisjärjestöverkostoja vaatien itäisen Keski-Euroopan neuvostomallisten ydinvoimaloiden välitöntä sulkemista. Siten Ignalinan tapaus aiheuttaa monissa tapauksissa järjestöidentiteetin epävarmuutta: Yhtäältä ympäristöjärjestöidentiteetti vaatii kriittistä suhtautumista ydinvoimaan, erityisesti neuvostomallisiin RBMK-reaktoreihin. Toisaalta taas Ignalinan ydinvoimala koetaan Liettuan taloudellisen ja poliittisen omavaraisuuden takaajaksi. Ignalinan tapauksen ympärille rakentuva identiteettipoliittinen asetelma voidaan yksinkertaistaa tilanteeksi, jossa ympäristöjärjestöt hapuilevat kahden yhteensopimattoman toimintamallin välillä: järjestöt toivovat voivansa toteuttaa rooliaan ympäristöjärjestöinä, usein laajempien eurooppalaisten ympäristöjärjestöverkostojen mallin mukaisesti, mutta samalla kansallisen suvereniteettipolitiikan tuottamat mallit ovat vahvasti läsnä järjestöjen määrittäessä perusluonnettaan. Ignalinan tapauksen pohjalta tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan myös laajempia Euroopan integraatioon ja jälkikommunistiseen kansalaisjärjestötoimintaan liittyviä kehityskulkuja. Tutkimus tuo esiin, että Euroopan integraatio on luonut monitasoisen institutionaalisen järjestyksen, joka määrittää oman vaikutuspiirinsä säännöt. Euroopan integraatio on samalla ilmiö, joka toteutuu myös hyvin arkipäiväisissä asioissa se on läsnä monissa mikrotason käytännöissä vaikuttaen siis myös ympäristöjärjestöjen toimintaan. Samalla voidaan havaita, että politiikan muodot ja tyylit eivät synny tyhjiössä tai pelkästään rationaalisten valintojen tuloksena; historia, sen tuottamat tulkinnat sekä rutiineihin perustuvat säännönmukaisuudet ovat läsnä poliittisessa elämässä, niin kansalaisjärjestötoiminnassa kuin muussakin yhteiskunnallisessa aktivismissa, samoin kuin hallinnollisissa käytännöissä. ; The colourful, sometimes even dramatic, history of Lithuanian environmental non-governmental organisations (NGOs) makes them an interesting subject of political science research. During the past fifteen years the role of the Lithuanian environmental movement has changed quite radically. The environmental movement had a central political role at the time of the Lithuanian independence activism in the late 1980s, but the movement later lost its mobilising potential and was marginalised by the beginning of the 1990s. Since then the environmental NGOs have been strongly affected by the process of European integration. Environmental NGOs have served both as agents and indicators of the institutional change taking place in Lithuania. The dynamics of this change can be analysed through the case of Ignalina in the course of the past couple of decades the nuclear power plant of Ignalina in the north-east corner of Lithuania has been a reference point for a number of political discussions and processes. During the Lithuanian independence movement the nuclear power plant became a symbol of Soviet rule. As Ignalina was strongly associated with the hegemony of Moscow over Lithuania the plant occupied a central role in the fight towards national sovereignty. Independence activism took the form of environmental protests, especially in the early stages of the Lithuanian reform movement, and a large number of environmental organisations were established all over Lithuania. The political context provided an opportunity to address sensitive political questions through environmental activism. For instance, in September 1988 thousands of protesters formed a human chain the ring of life around the two units of Ignalina as a manifestation of Lithuanian national sovereignty and identity. The symbolic position of Ignalina changed radically after Lithuania s independence declaration in March 1990. As Moscow imposed an energy embargo on Lithuania it soon became clear that the country was dependent on its own sources of energy, of which the nuclear power plant of Ignalina was the most important one. Although Ignalina had only recently served as the symbol of Soviet oppression, the plant suddenly proved indispensable in the reconstruction of the nation and its material well-being. In 1995 the Lithuanian government tabled a EU membership application. Towards the end of the decade Ignalina was brought on the political agenda of the EU it soon became evident to Lithuanians that the closure of the nuclear power plant would be considered a de facto prerequisite for EU membership. As a result, the question of Ignalina was highly politicised the setting gave Ignalina a positions as the symbol of national sovereignty. There had been a radical shift in the political symbolism surrounding the plant. Meanwhile, the environmental NGOs faced a dilemma: Some of the environmental activists were closely linked to European anti-nuclear NGO networks and were strongly in favour of the decommissioning of Ignalina. However, many of the environmental NGOs also carried with them a long tradition of ethno-cultural thinking thus connecting the organisations closely to the notion of Lithuanian national sovereignty. Against this background it proved difficult for many organisations to define their role in view with the question of Ignalina what would be appropriate political action? As a result, there remained a great deal of indecisiveness and confusion among the environmental NGOs as to the decommissioning plans of Ignalina, and more generally as to the role of the environmental organisations in the Lithuanian society. The case of Ignalina provides a framework within which it is possible to analyse certain dimensions of national sovereignty in an integrating, post-Cold War Europe. The integration of Central and Eastern Europe into the EU has produced a situation in which many of the expectations attached to national sovereignty are being challenged. The research also brings forward a topic that has received only limited attention in the past, namely the effects of European integration on non-governmental organisations in Central and Eastern Europe. By focusing on a specific sector of Lithuanian NGO activity it is possible to analyse the dynamics of europeanisation on a very concrete level. The case of Ignalina suggests that the activists of Lithuanian environmental NGOs are forced to ponder the raison d être of their organisations in the face of different, often conflicting institutional pressures. The expectations drawn from fresh national sovereignty are not always compatible with the models of action produced by the European integration process. The case evidences a conflict between post-Communist nation-building and the institutional limitations brought about by EU membership. Simply put, the idea of national sovereignty on the one hand and European integration on the other offer environmental NGOs distinctive, often conflicting, models of appropriate political action. The models of action created by the institutional framework of the EU are not easily compatible with the norms typical of a newly independent state. This identity political conflict is especially pronounced whenever national and European norms are placed in direct opposition with each other. However, it should be noted that the national and European levels of politics cannot be completely distinguished from each other. It is interesting to notice how models of action drawn from the EU system often form the very basis of national or local political action. Therefore it can be stated that the separation between European and national models of appropriate action is not always feasible. It is possible to approach most political questions, including the encounter of Lithuanian environmental NGOs and the EU, from an institutional perspective. The theoretical framework of the study is based on new institutionalism , and the notion of logic of appropriateness is central to the study political institutions are analysed as collections of norms that define the rules of appropriate political action in different situations. In essence, politics is about appropriate action. The research seeks to explain the logic of appropriateness being followed by Lithuanian environmental NGOs. The research problem is approached through a set of questions: (1) How does the colourful history of the Lithuanian environmental movement affect the political characteristics of today s environmental NGOs? (2) What does the specific case of Ignalina tell us about the institutional contexts in which the Lithuanian environmental NGOs operate? (3) How to define the relationship between Lithuanian environmental NGOs and the politics of national sovereignty? (4) What is the relevance of the institutional framework of the EU to Lithuanian environmental NGOs? The study suggests that the rules of appropriateness change depending on the political context. At the same time, the conflicts produced by differing, overlapping institutional environments are reflected in the inner dynamics of political actors, resulting to indecisiveness and confusion. Since political action is first and foremost directed by the logic of appropriateness, the interpretations of political contexts are of central relevance. Therefore it is possible that a single object, such as a nuclear power plant, can be given a variety of interpretations in the realm of identity politics. The case of Ignalina evidences that symbolism and interpretation form the core of political life.
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Challenges in the East
In: Preliminary and Background Studies, V90
Rupnik, J.: The implications of changes in East-Central Europe for European integration. - S. 7-24 Hassner, P.: The European Union and the Balkans. - S. 25-46 Tatu, M.: Russia and the world. - S. 47-84 Brands, M. C.; Havenaar, R.: De central plaats van Duitsland in de Europese politiek : bindende kracht of bron van divergentie? - S. 85-136
World Affairs Online
De Europese eenmaking in de Vlaamse publieke opinie: onbekendheid, onverschilligheid, gelatenheid of machteloosheid?
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 45, Heft 2-3, S. 481-506
ISSN: 0486-4700
Tussen schok en overgang: de Europese Unie in 2001
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 44, Heft 2-3, S. 279-306
ISSN: 0486-4700
Het belgish europabeleid in spagaat
In: Studia diplomatica: Brussels journal of international relations, Band 57, Heft 3, S. 97-104
ISSN: 0770-2965
It is noted that Belgium, itself a small country on this continent, has always been & continues to be the most enthusiastic supporter of European integration. With the advantages of economic integration no longer questioned by anyone, the strengthening of the EU in the political domain, which would translate into a greater relevance of this organization on the geopolitical arena, has become the chief objective of the current Belgian foreign policy. Policies formulated & implemented by the prime minister Guy Verhofstadt & foreign minister Louis Michel are surveyed, assessing their position vis-a-vis such contentious issues as a la carte Europe (individual member states choosing their particular & preferred areas of involvement), "two-speed" Europe (the formation of a European Federation within the EU by core members, with a different status afforded to new members), & the formulation & carrying out of a uniform foreign policy by the EU as a supranational entity. Special attention is devoted to two projects promoted by the Belgian government for the EU: a common defense strategy independent from the US-led NATO & the formation of a military force capable of providing such defense. Z. Dubiel
Terugblik op de europese unie
In: Studia diplomatica: Brussels journal of international relations, Band 54, Heft 5-6, S. 181-184
ISSN: 0770-2965
Several reasons are listed to explain why Belgium always was & still is a very staunch supporter of European integration & the European Union (EU). Drawing on personal experience as a permanent representative of the Belgian government to the EU, the significant role played by this country in building a united Europe is illustrated with a report of the meetings in Nice, France, & Laken at which the current 15 member states of the EU struggled with procedural & content questions pertaining to the future enlargement of the organization to 25 or 27 members. The give-and-take nature of these meetings, Belgium's valuable input, but also concessions it had to accept, & the accomplishments of the Laken Declaration are discussed. Z. Dubiel
De praktijk van regionale vertegenwoordigingen te Brussel
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 47, Heft 1, S. 80-101
ISSN: 0486-4700
Euroscepticisme in Belgie. Economische belangen, culturele identiteit en politiek wantrouwen
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 50, Heft 4, S. 357-381
ISSN: 0486-4700
This article tries to analyse & improve the individual-level approaches to the study of public Euroscepticism in Belgium. In recent literature, three approaches focusing on instrumental, cultural & political cues can be distinguished. First, the utilitarian approach associates Euroscepticism with economic interests. Second, the cultural approach draws on cultural attitudes & affective identities. Third, the political approach associates support for European integration with political efficacy & institutional trust. Drawing upon Belgian data from the IntUne Project 2007, the results show that negative evaluations of the benefits of European membership, social distrust in European fellow citizens & institutional distrust in the EU are the most important determinants of Euroscepticism, while education, national attachment, exclusive identity & political powerlessness have a minor impact. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
De veranderende invloed van Europese integratie op het nationale migratiebeleid
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 56, Heft 2, S. 269-271
ISSN: 0486-4700
This article examines the impact of European integration on national policy in the field of migration. Member States have since the entry into force of the Treaty of Amsterdam (1999) power over immigration policy largely ceded to supranational institutions. The Governments of the Member States do not seem to give full account of this new situation. The same applies to the academic literature on the Europeanisation of migration policy which - still dominates the intergovernmental perspective - unlike in the wider EU study literature. This article focuses on the impact of the Family Reunification Directive of 2003 on policymaking in the Netherlands. And politics The Dutch case shows that the reality of migration policies in the EU are increasingly in conflict with intergovernmental assumptions and that it is high time that researchers of migration broaden their theoretical perspective. Adapted from the source document.
Veranderingen in houdingen van Nederlanders ten opzichte van de Europese Unie
In: Huijts , T & Graaf , N D D 2007 , ' Veranderingen in houdingen van Nederlanders ten opzichte van de Europese Unie ' , Mens & Maatschappij , vol. 82 , no. 3 , pp. 205 .
Changes in Dutch attitudes towards the European Union For decades, the Dutch were seen as relatively positive towards the European Union. However, in 2005 a majority of the Dutch population voted against the proposed European Constitution. Therefore, in this article we examine to what extent the Dutch 'no' marks a sudden change in attitudes, or is merely a manifestation of a gradual trend that started at an earlier stage of the European integration process. We raise the question to what extent attitudes towards the European Union have changed in the Netherlands, and further ask to what extent these changes can be attributed to characteristics of the context and the life course. We derive hypotheses from theories on the influence of birth cohort, societal context and life course on attitude changes. In order to test these hypotheses, we employ Eurobarometersurveys of 1973 to 2004, as well as additional data at the contextual level. Our findings suggest that in the Netherlands attitudes towards the European Union have become more negative since the early nineties, after becoming more positive in the preceding years. While characteristics of the birth cohort and the life course do not account for these changes, the development towards more political integration seems to provide an interesting explanation. However, even after adding respondents' characteristics at the individual level to our models, variance in attitudes towards the European Union is hardly explained. Even though differences between social groups exist, attitudes towards the European Union seem to be largely unexplained.
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