Suchergebnisse

The paper concentrates on attitudes to the enlargement and the future of EU held by relevant political parties in the Czech Republic and in Slovakia in 2002. With respect to the Czech Republic, three basic approaches to the issue of EU enlargement are identified, thus classifying the Czech political parties as "consistently" pro-European, pro-European "with reservations" and anti-European. It will be argued that in Slovakia the relevant political parties acted as "consistently" pro-European with the exception of the anti-European Slovak National Party (SNS) and the Communist Party of Slovakia (KSS). The dividing line was however rather between the parties whose representatives could be viewed by international partners as an obstacle to Slovakia's admission to EU and the parties that were "acceptable" for foreign countries, which played an important role in rallying voters to opt for "acceptable" political subjects. ; The paper concentrates on attitudes to the enlargement and the future of EU held by relevant political parties in the Czech Republic and in Slovakia in 2002. With respect to the Czech Republic, three basic approaches to the issue of EU enlargement are identified, thus classifying the Czech political parties as "consistently" pro-European, pro-European "with reservations" and anti-European. It will be argued that in Slovakia the relevant political parties acted as "consistently" pro-European with the exception of the anti-European Slovak National Party (SNS) and the Communist Party of Slovakia (KSS). The dividing line was however rather between the parties whose representatives could be viewed by international partners as an obstacle to Slovakia's admission to EU and the parties that were "acceptable" for foreign countries, which played an important role in rallying voters to opt for "acceptable" political subjects.

This wide-ranging theme takes Braudel's concept of the "Mediterranean" as its starting point. Braudel's vision of an enclosed sea as a geographical opportunity for economic integration between nations with different religions, languages and ethnicities and political bodies still functions as a model for studies on a wide range of contexts. The goal of the 50th Study Week was to go beyond the study of individual systems in isolation, and to combine instead different analysis of open and enclosed seas or coastal areas in order to understand the integration role played by maritime connections in Europe. Since in pre-industrial civilizations water transport was easier than land transport, the time has come to bring attention to the way these relationship networks operated both on a European level and with Asian and North African trade partners. This volume starts from the great research traditions which have, however, rarely been integrated on a larger and continental scale, and analyses them on either a regional or thematic basis. Immanuel Wallerstein has developed Braudel's concept by conceptualising its intercultural and transnational dimensions and its role in the system of labour. He called it a "world system", not because it involves the whole world, but because it is larger than any legally defined political unit. And it is a "world economy" because the base link between the different parts of the system has an economic nature. The various regional research aspects and traditions have been linked together in a coherent approach which aims at evaluating: - What geographical, nautical, technical, economic, legal, social and cultural elements influenced the emergence of the various regional networks, and how these worked; - The nature and role of seaports as nodal points of sea routes and of their hinterland through rivers, canals and roads; - The commercial and personal ties between merchants and shipowners in various ports; - How regional networks connected with each other and how, over time, they ended up integrating into larger units; - How private networks, initially between merchant and seafarer organizations, ended up dealing with local authorities and, after their growth, with states and empires in order to protect their interests.

La tesi si propone di indagare l'incidenza dei processi di integrazione sovranazionale sulle singole esperienze costituzionali, nel contesto di una prospettiva teorica consapevole delle molteplici interconnessioni sussistenti tra processi di integrazione sovranazionale e relazioni tra ordinamenti giuridici. L'obiettivo è quello di rappresentare ed evidenziare, in siffatto contesto multilivello, i processi dinamici che hanno riguardato e caratterizzano taluni aspetti dell'ordinamento costituzionale nella dimensione sovranazionale ed infrastatale. La prospettiva involge altresì un'analisi di tipo comparatistico, attraverso la quale si sono trattate in parallelo i caratteri di due esperienze nazionali, anche al fine di ricostruire i canali di comunicazione fra le culture costituzionali, e far emergere i punti di contatto ed i più significativi elementi di diversità tra i modelli accolti. Lo studio si muove lungo tre principali direttrici, cui corrispondono le tre parti dell'elaborato, volte ad approfondire gli aspetti più rilevanti del fenomeno in esame. Nel primo capitolo vengono esaminate le dinamiche evolutive dei rapporti tra il processo di integrazione europea e le Carte costituzionali, con l'intento di evidenziare come esse siano divenute gli elementi fondanti ed essenziali di siffatta struttura composita. Il secondo capitolo si sofferma ad analizzare il contributo della Corte di giustizia e delle giurisdizioni costituzionali allo sviluppo del contesto comunicativo euro-nazionale, con l'obiettivo di valutarne l'apporto in termini di armonizzazione del processo di integrazione interordinamentale. L'accento è altresì posto sull'evoluzione del dialogo tra le Corti e sul ruolo affidato alle giurisdizioni costituzionali. Infine, nel terzo capitolo muovendo dall'accento posto dal paradigma del costituzionalismo multilivello sull'esigenza di rinforzare la legittimazione democratica dell'Unione europea, sfruttando sino in fondo le risorse proprie della rappresentanza parlamentare, nel Parlamento europeo come nei Parlamenti nazionali, ci si sofferma nello specifico sul ricorso ad alcuni strumenti volti al rafforzamento del contesto comunicativo della rappresentanza parlamentare nel contesto europeo, nonché sulla relativa attuazione a livello nazionale. ; The aim of the present thesis is to investigate the impact of the European integration process on the basis of national constitutional and institutional system, in a general context of a theoretical perspective aware of the interconnection between the supranational integration processes and the national legal order. The main purpose is to analyse, in such multilevel contest, the dynamic processes concerning the constitutional systems. The analysis also involves a comparative approach, through which the experiences of Italy and France are considered and studied in parallel. The study focuses on three main areas, to which the three chapters are linked. In the first chapter, the evolutionary dynamics of the relationships between the European integration process and the Constitutions are taken into consideration, with the aim of highlighting how the Constitutions become the fundamental elements of such "compound structure". The second chapter analyses the role of the Court of justice as well as of the constitutional jurisdictions in the development of the euro-national communicative system, with the aim to evaluate the harmonization of such integration process. In this regard, attention is also paid to the evolution of the dialogue between Courts and, more precisely, to the role of the constitutional courts. Lastly, in line with the "multilevel constitutionalism in action" perspective and with the need to enhance the democratic legitimacy of the European Union (also) by exploiting the Parliamentary sources, both at the European and national level, the third part of the present work focuses the attention on some mechanism considered necessary to deepen such Parliamentary representation.

In recent decades, the topic of political parties' approaches towards European integration (especially the euro-skeptic parties) has become an integral part of political science research. The purpose of this text is to describe and compare the most frequently used methods or approaches of measuring the attitudes of political parties towards the EU: behavioral measures, textual approaches, self-reported positions, and reputation. The author of the text examines the advantages and disadvantages of the various methods, and compares their applicability in the context of different research goals (classification and/or description of attitudes of political parties towards the EU, identification of salience of the "European" issue, and identification of intra-party disputes over the "European" issue).

In the course of this work we will examine the extent to which adherence to thesupranational integration project has influenced the form of Italian government,observing both the relationship between the Legislative and the Executive (and within thelatter, between the Prime Minister and individual Ministers) and the role of the Head ofState. In particular, the progressive strengthening of the Government and the PrimeMinister will be highlighted. Finally, this phenomenon will be analysed in order to verifyhow participation in the European Union has implemented a phenomenon that can bedefined as an escape from political responsibility. ; Nel corso del presente lavoro si esaminerà in che misura l'adesione al progetto di integrazione sovranazionale abbia influito sulla forma di governo italiana, osservando sia la relazione tra il Legislativo e l'Esecutivo (e all'interno di quest'ultimo, traPresidente del Consiglio ed i singoli Ministri), sia il ruolo del Capo dello Stato. In particolare, si metterà in evidenza il progressivo rafforzamento del Governo e del Presidente del Consi glio. Questo fenomeno verrà, infine, analizzato al fine di verificare inche modo la partecipazione all'Unione europea ha messo in atto un fenomeno che può essere definito come fuga dalla responsabilità politica.

The essay deals with the issue of the protection of fundamental rights from a perspective of multilevel constitutionalism. It focuses on the relations between the Italian Constitution, the European Convention of human rights (ECHR) and the Charter of fundamental rights of the European Union. In particular, the paper identifies in the "twin decisions" no. 348 and 349 of 2007, adopted by the Italian Constitutional Court and concerning the classification of the ECHR in the hierarchy of the sources of law, a real turning point. In compliance with the reformed art. 117, paragraph 1, of the Italian Constitution, in the above mentioned decisions the Court stated that the ECHR is hierarchically inferior to the Constitution but superior to the ordinary legislation; this implies that an ordinary law incompatible with the ECHR disregards art. 117, par. 1, of the Constitution and therefore is to be declared unconstitutional by the Court. The position of the Nice Charter is different. The Lisbon Treaty has regulated the Charter as legally binding; as a consequence, the Charter takes precedence over the Italian Constitution itself, with the only limitation represented by the supreme principles of the constitutional system and by the inalienable human rights (so-called "theory of the counter-limits"). Some questions on the compatibility of the different ways of protection of fundamental rights according to the Italian Constitution and the Nice Charter therefore arise. ; Il saggio analizza la problematica della tutela dei diritti fondamentali nella prospettiva del costituzionalismo multilivello. In particolare, esso si concentra sul rapporto tra la Costituzione italiana e rispettivamente la Convenzione europea dei diritti dell'uomo e la Carta dei diritti fondamentali dell'Unione europea. Sul primo versante, viene evidenziata la svolta determinata dalle "sentenze gemelle" nn. 348 e 349 del 2007 della Corte costituzionale in merito all'inquadramento giuridico della CEDU nella gerarchia delle fonti. In proposito, la Consulta ha affermato che, in virtù del nuovo art. 117, co. 1, Cost., la CEDU si pone quale "norma interposta" nel giudizio di legittimità costituzionale, con la conseguenza che una legge ordinaria in contrasto con essa debba essere dichiarata costituzionalmente illegittima. Diverso è invece il trattamento della Carta di Nizza. Con il Trattato di Lisbona essa ha acquisito forza giuridica vincolante analoga a quella dei Trattati, per cui essa si pone al vertice del sistema delle fonti, con l'unico limite dei principi supremi dell'ordinamento costituzionale e dei diritti inalienabili della persona umana (teoria dei controlimiti). Ciò pone il problema del raffronto tra le diverse modalità di tutela dei diritti fondamentali nella Costituzione italiana e nella Carta di Nizza, sia con riguardo ai classici diritti di libertà sia con riguardo ai diritti sociali. ; Autorka analizuje problematykę ochrony praw fundamentalnych w perspektywie konstytucjonalizmu wielopoziomowego. W szczególności uwaga skierowana jest na Konstytucję Republiki Włoskiej w relacji do Europejskiej Konwencji Praw Człowieka i Obywatela oraz Karty Praw Podstawowych Unii Europejskiej. Jeśli chodzi o pierwszy z dwóch dokumentów europejskich, podkreśla się istotność "wyroków bliźniaczych" nr348 i 349 z 2007 roku wydanych przez włoski Sąd Konstytucyjny w odniesieniu do ulokowania EKPC w hierarchii źródeł prawa. W szczególności Sąd Konstytucyjny podkreślił, że na mocy nowego artykułu 117 ust. 1 Konstytucji Republiki Włoskiej, EKPC jawi się w ocenie zgodności z konstytucją jako "norma wtrącona", co w konsekwencji sprawia, że jakakolwiek ustawa będąca w kolizji z EKPC musi zostać oceniona jako niekonstytucyjna. Nieco inaczej ma się sprawa z Kartą Praw Podstawowych UE. Traktatem z Lizbony zyskała ona moc wiążącą analogiczną do mocy samych Traktatów, co sprawia, iż lokuje się ona na szczycie systemu źródeł prawa podlegając jednocześnie ograniczeniom wynikającym z wewnętrznego porządku konstytucyjnego i niezbywalnych praw człowieka (teoria kontrograniczeń). Rodzi to konieczność skonfrontowania ze sobą różnych sposobów ochrony praw podstawowych w Konstytucji Republiki Włoskiej i w Karcie Praw Podstawowych UE , i to zarówno w odniesieniu do klasycznych praw wolnościowych, jak i praw socjalnych.Tłumaczenie: C. Bronowski

The essay deals with the issue of the protection of fundamental rights from a perspective of multilevel constitutionalism. It focuses on the relations between the Italian Constitution, the European Convention of human rights (ECHR) and the Charter of fundamental rights of the European Union. In particular, the paper identifies in the "twin decisions" no. 348 and 349 of 2007, adopted by the Italian Constitutional Court and concerning the classification of the ECHR in the hierarchy of the sources of law, a real turning point. In compliance with the reformed art. 117, paragraph 1, of the Italian Constitution, in the above mentioned decisions the Court stated that the ECHR is hierarchically inferior to the Constitution but superior to the ordinary legislation; this implies that an ordinary law incompatible with the ECHR disregards art. 117, par. 1, of the Constitution and therefore is to be declared unconstitutional by the Court. The position of the Nice Charter is different. The Lisbon Treaty has regulated the Charter as legally binding; as a consequence, the Charter takes precedence over the Italian Constitution itself, with the only limitation represented by the supreme principles of the constitutional system and by the inalienable human rights (so-called "theory of the counter-limits"). Some questions on the compatibility of the different ways of protection of fundamental rights according to the Italian Constitution and the Nice Charter therefore arise. ; Il saggio analizza la problematica della tutela dei diritti fondamentali nella prospettiva del costituzionalismo multilivello. In particolare, esso si concentra sul rapporto tra la Costituzione italiana e rispettivamente la Convenzione europea dei diritti dell'uomo e la Carta dei diritti fondamentali dell'Unione europea. Sul primo versante, viene evidenziata la svolta determinata dalle "sentenze gemelle" nn. 348 e 349 del 2007 della Corte costituzionale in merito all'inquadramento giuridico della CEDU nella gerarchia delle fonti. In proposito, la Consulta ha affermato che, in virtù del nuovo art. 117, co. 1, Cost., la CEDU si pone quale "norma interposta" nel giudizio di legittimità costituzionale, con la conseguenza che una legge ordinaria in contrasto con essa debba essere dichiarata costituzionalmente illegittima. Diverso è invece il trattamento della Carta di Nizza. Con il Trattato di Lisbona essa ha acquisito forza giuridica vincolante analoga a quella dei Trattati, per cui essa si pone al vertice del sistema delle fonti, con l'unico limite dei principi supremi dell'ordinamento costituzionale e dei diritti inalienabili della persona umana (teoria dei controlimiti). Ciò pone il problema del raffronto tra le diverse modalità di tutela dei diritti fondamentali nella Costituzione italiana e nella Carta di Nizza, sia con riguardo ai classici diritti di libertà sia con riguardo ai diritti sociali. ; Autorka analizuje problematykę ochrony praw fundamentalnych w perspektywie konstytucjonalizmu wielopoziomowego. W szczególności uwaga skierowana jest na Konstytucję Republiki Włoskiej w relacji do Europejskiej Konwencji Praw Człowieka i Obywatela oraz Karty Praw Podstawowych Unii Europejskiej. Jeśli chodzi o pierwszy z dwóch dokumentów europejskich, podkreśla się istotność "wyroków bliźniaczych" nr348 i 349 z 2007 roku wydanych przez włoski Sąd Konstytucyjny w odniesieniu do ulokowania EKPC w hierarchii źródeł prawa. W szczególności Sąd Konstytucyjny podkreślił, że na mocy nowego artykułu 117 ust. 1 Konstytucji Republiki Włoskiej, EKPC jawi się w ocenie zgodności z konstytucją jako "norma wtrącona", co w konsekwencji sprawia, że jakakolwiek ustawa będąca w kolizji z EKPC musi zostać oceniona jako niekonstytucyjna. Nieco inaczej ma się sprawa z Kartą Praw Podstawowych UE. Traktatem z Lizbony zyskała ona moc wiążącą analogiczną do mocy samych Traktatów, co sprawia, iż lokuje się ona na szczycie systemu źródeł prawa podlegając jednocześnie ograniczeniom wynikającym z wewnętrznego porządku konstytucyjnego i niezbywalnych praw człowieka (teoria kontrograniczeń). Rodzi to konieczność skonfrontowania ze sobą różnych sposobów ochrony praw podstawowych w Konstytucji Republiki Włoskiej i w Karcie Praw Podstawowych UE , i to zarówno w odniesieniu do klasycznych praw wolnościowych, jak i praw socjalnych.Tłumaczenie: C. Bronowski