The doctoral dissertation analyses the recent overhaul of the EU banking policy framework in 2012–2016 with the aim of answering two interrelated questions. First, why did the euro area member states decide to surrender national control over their banking systems by creating a banking union despite the fact that similar proposals had been constantly rejected in the past? Second, what accounts for the content of the established banking union? The research argues that the European sovereign debt crisis and, more specifically, its Spanish episode in the first half of 2012 were a necessary but insufficient condition for the European leaders' historic decision. Building on a deterministic interpretation of punctuated equilibrium theory, the author explains the creation of the banking union by three intervening factors: interdependence of the euro area member states that led to changes in the EU banking policy image held by the governments of the largest euro area states, and the politicisation of the related banking policy-making venue. Having showed that the content of the final agreements corresponded to the identified 'preventive' banking union type, the author argues that it can be best explained by the interaction of preference intensity of member states and political legitimacy of their national positions. Accordingly, the research explains the content of the banking union by the exposure of German banks' to the most stressed Southern euro area member states at the start of negotiations and the German government's 'rhetorical entrapment' at later stages. It is also argued that the entire EU bargaining process was facilitated by 'constructive ambiguity' related to the finality of the banking union.
The doctoral dissertation analyses the recent overhaul of the EU banking policy framework in 2012–2016 with the aim of answering two interrelated questions. First, why did the euro area member states decide to surrender national control over their banking systems by creating a banking union despite the fact that similar proposals had been constantly rejected in the past? Second, what accounts for the content of the established banking union? The research argues that the European sovereign debt crisis and, more specifically, its Spanish episode in the first half of 2012 were a necessary but insufficient condition for the European leaders' historic decision. Building on a deterministic interpretation of punctuated equilibrium theory, the author explains the creation of the banking union by three intervening factors: interdependence of the euro area member states that led to changes in the EU banking policy image held by the governments of the largest euro area states, and the politicisation of the related banking policy-making venue. Having showed that the content of the final agreements corresponded to the identified 'preventive' banking union type, the author argues that it can be best explained by the interaction of preference intensity of member states and political legitimacy of their national positions. Accordingly, the research explains the content of the banking union by the exposure of German banks' to the most stressed Southern euro area member states at the start of negotiations and the German government's 'rhetorical entrapment' at later stages. It is also argued that the entire EU bargaining process was facilitated by 'constructive ambiguity' related to the finality of the banking union.
The doctoral dissertation analyses the recent overhaul of the EU banking policy framework in 2012–2016 with the aim of answering two interrelated questions. First, why did the euro area member states decide to surrender national control over their banking systems by creating a banking union despite the fact that similar proposals had been constantly rejected in the past? Second, what accounts for the content of the established banking union? The research argues that the European sovereign debt crisis and, more specifically, its Spanish episode in the first half of 2012 were a necessary but insufficient condition for the European leaders' historic decision. Building on a deterministic interpretation of punctuated equilibrium theory, the author explains the creation of the banking union by three intervening factors: interdependence of the euro area member states that led to changes in the EU banking policy image held by the governments of the largest euro area states, and the politicisation of the related banking policy-making venue. Having showed that the content of the final agreements corresponded to the identified 'preventive' banking union type, the author argues that it can be best explained by the interaction of preference intensity of member states and political legitimacy of their national positions. Accordingly, the research explains the content of the banking union by the exposure of German banks' to the most stressed Southern euro area member states at the start of negotiations and the German government's 'rhetorical entrapment' at later stages. It is also argued that the entire EU bargaining process was facilitated by 'constructive ambiguity' related to the finality of the banking union.
Over the last two years Russian and European Union, as well as Russian and Lithuanian relations became the worst since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Russia's annexation of Crimea peninsula and aggression in Eastern Ukraine has made a serious impact on relations with Russian and for security of the European Continent. After all, not so long ago EU and Russia was strategic partners, developed common projects and was preparing to renew a Strategic Partnership Agreement. However at this moment EU is imposing economic sanctions on Russia. At that time Moscow even not trying to accomplish Minsk agreement. Lithuania–Russia relations was consistently complicated. In 2004 Lithuania's accession to the EU made a possibility to influence and increase one's role in EU-Russian relations by using Foreign policy instruments - Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). To some purpose Lithuania is the country which criticizing Russia's actions the most in the EU. In this thesis is trying to find out Lithuanian role in forming the EU common Foreign and Security policy against Russia during the crisis in Ukraine. The aim of the thesis – by using European integration theories to analyze Lithuanian role of the formation of the EU common Foreign and Security policy against Russian Federation in 2014-2015. The first part of the thesis is written about the European integration theories. By using these theories in this thesis is trying to present the main ideas and postulates of the European integration. The second part of the thesis is written about the Common Foreign and Security Policy historical development. Also in this part of the thesis is identifying the national States role in CFSP decision making. It is important to mention that in this part of the thesis is trying to find out why the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy is not that effective and common. The third part of the thesis is written about Lithuanian foreign policy towards Russia since 1990 to present day. Also in this part is analyzing the main three phases of the Lithuanian foreign policy towards Russia. The last part of the thesis is analyzing Lithuanian representatives in the European Parliament, President Dalia Grybauskaitė and Minister of Foreign Affairs Linas Linkevičius official discourse towards Russia in 2014-2015.
Over the last two years Russian and European Union, as well as Russian and Lithuanian relations became the worst since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Russia's annexation of Crimea peninsula and aggression in Eastern Ukraine has made a serious impact on relations with Russian and for security of the European Continent. After all, not so long ago EU and Russia was strategic partners, developed common projects and was preparing to renew a Strategic Partnership Agreement. However at this moment EU is imposing economic sanctions on Russia. At that time Moscow even not trying to accomplish Minsk agreement. Lithuania–Russia relations was consistently complicated. In 2004 Lithuania's accession to the EU made a possibility to influence and increase one's role in EU-Russian relations by using Foreign policy instruments - Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). To some purpose Lithuania is the country which criticizing Russia's actions the most in the EU. In this thesis is trying to find out Lithuanian role in forming the EU common Foreign and Security policy against Russia during the crisis in Ukraine. The aim of the thesis – by using European integration theories to analyze Lithuanian role of the formation of the EU common Foreign and Security policy against Russian Federation in 2014-2015. The first part of the thesis is written about the European integration theories. By using these theories in this thesis is trying to present the main ideas and postulates of the European integration. The second part of the thesis is written about the Common Foreign and Security Policy historical development. Also in this part of the thesis is identifying the national States role in CFSP decision making. It is important to mention that in this part of the thesis is trying to find out why the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy is not that effective and common. The third part of the thesis is written about Lithuanian foreign policy towards Russia since 1990 to present day. Also in this part is analyzing the main three phases of the Lithuanian foreign policy towards Russia. The last part of the thesis is analyzing Lithuanian representatives in the European Parliament, President Dalia Grybauskaitė and Minister of Foreign Affairs Linas Linkevičius official discourse towards Russia in 2014-2015.
Over the last two years Russian and European Union, as well as Russian and Lithuanian relations became the worst since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Russia's annexation of Crimea peninsula and aggression in Eastern Ukraine has made a serious impact on relations with Russian and for security of the European Continent. After all, not so long ago EU and Russia was strategic partners, developed common projects and was preparing to renew a Strategic Partnership Agreement. However at this moment EU is imposing economic sanctions on Russia. At that time Moscow even not trying to accomplish Minsk agreement. Lithuania–Russia relations was consistently complicated. In 2004 Lithuania's accession to the EU made a possibility to influence and increase one's role in EU-Russian relations by using Foreign policy instruments - Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). To some purpose Lithuania is the country which criticizing Russia's actions the most in the EU. In this thesis is trying to find out Lithuanian role in forming the EU common Foreign and Security policy against Russia during the crisis in Ukraine. The aim of the thesis – by using European integration theories to analyze Lithuanian role of the formation of the EU common Foreign and Security policy against Russian Federation in 2014-2015. The first part of the thesis is written about the European integration theories. By using these theories in this thesis is trying to present the main ideas and postulates of the European integration. The second part of the thesis is written about the Common Foreign and Security Policy historical development. Also in this part of the thesis is identifying the national States role in CFSP decision making. It is important to mention that in this part of the thesis is trying to find out why the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy is not that effective and common. The third part of the thesis is written about Lithuanian foreign policy towards Russia since 1990 to present day. Also in this part is analyzing the main three phases of the Lithuanian foreign policy towards Russia. The last part of the thesis is analyzing Lithuanian representatives in the European Parliament, President Dalia Grybauskaitė and Minister of Foreign Affairs Linas Linkevičius official discourse towards Russia in 2014-2015.
Unsuccessful attempts to join the euro zone enables the authors to state that Lithuania's integration into the European Monetary Union is an insufficiently researched topic. Identification of the problems and prospects of Lithuania's integration into the European Monetary Union is especially important, because only when the problems are rectified, will it be possible to join the European Monetary Union successfully. It will also be possible to assess the potential risks and benefits of changing the national currency to the euro. Therefore, Lithuanian macroeconomic indicators are analyzed and compared with the convergence criteria. In addition, Estonia's and Slovenia's experience is investigated, because these countries have joined the euro area despite having a difficult macro-economic environment. It should be noted that the establishment of a single currency completed the integration of European countries and preconditioned the belief that joining the European Monetary Union will maintain price stability and a sustainable economic growth. Performed analysis of macro-economic indicators allows the authors to state that the major risk factor for Lithuania's integration process into the European Monetary Union has been and remains a too high rate of inflation. The main factors influencing the high inflation are a large amount of money in circulation, low inflation control, budget imbalances and a lack of execution about strict fiscal policy. In 2013, it is predicted that Lithuania will have a 2.5 percent inflation rate and the convergence criteria is expected to be equal to 2.6 percent, so the risk that inflation may be uncontrolled remains. In order to finally integrate into the monetary union, the Lithuanian government should pursue strict fiscal policy as well as structural reforms to ensure stability for prices and finance in the government sector. Establishment of the euro would promote foreign investment in the country, [.]
Unsuccessful attempts to join the euro zone enables the authors to state that Lithuania's integration into the European Monetary Union is an insufficiently researched topic. Identification of the problems and prospects of Lithuania's integration into the European Monetary Union is especially important, because only when the problems are rectified, will it be possible to join the European Monetary Union successfully. It will also be possible to assess the potential risks and benefits of changing the national currency to the euro. Therefore, Lithuanian macroeconomic indicators are analyzed and compared with the convergence criteria. In addition, Estonia's and Slovenia's experience is investigated, because these countries have joined the euro area despite having a difficult macro-economic environment. It should be noted that the establishment of a single currency completed the integration of European countries and preconditioned the belief that joining the European Monetary Union will maintain price stability and a sustainable economic growth. Performed analysis of macro-economic indicators allows the authors to state that the major risk factor for Lithuania's integration process into the European Monetary Union has been and remains a too high rate of inflation. The main factors influencing the high inflation are a large amount of money in circulation, low inflation control, budget imbalances and a lack of execution about strict fiscal policy. In 2013, it is predicted that Lithuania will have a 2.5 percent inflation rate and the convergence criteria is expected to be equal to 2.6 percent, so the risk that inflation may be uncontrolled remains. In order to finally integrate into the monetary union, the Lithuanian government should pursue strict fiscal policy as well as structural reforms to ensure stability for prices and finance in the government sector. Establishment of the euro would promote foreign investment in the country, [.]
This paper analyzes the process of the services market integration in the context of Services Directive and the national preferences of member states towards this document in particular and towards the process of services liberalization in general. The methodological guidelines for the research are provided by one of the contemporary theories of EU integration – liberal intergovernmentalism, as developed by Andrew Moravcsik in his prominent book The Choice for Europe. The main argument of this author is that "European integration can be best explained as a series of rational choices made by national leaders."(A. Moravcsik: 18) What follows as the main hypothetical proposition is that the integration of services market in the European Union rests upon national preferences of member states, which are shaped by domestic economic interests groups and upon relative bargaining powers of these member states. According to A. Moravcsik's argumentation, it is assumed in this paper that it suffice to analyze three major member states – Germany, France and United Kingdom (UK). The analysis of this paper proved the relative interdependence between gains and bargaining power. It was showed, that UK has more competitive services providers, especially those providing professional services, then France and Germany. It is the reason why the service market opening could bring more benefits to British providers. This situation led UK to have less persuading arguments and made them make concessions. It was also proved that due to strong national concerns the Commission lacked ability to act as intermediate or shape national preferences towards its own position. In that case it was demonstrated, under A. Moravcsik terms, that the supranational body is irrelevant in EU policy making. It was partly vindicated that the governments pay more attention to the business interests. It was particularly true in UK, where the business interests were taken count of more then the interests of professional associations or consumer groups. But regarding the cases of France and Germany, the proposition of A. Moravcsik begs some reservations: when strong corporate culture thrives, well organized professional associations can counterweight the business interests, especially when the important referendums or elections are here to come. Lastly, it was impossible scientifically to test the validity of the statement, that UK strategically made concessions regarding the Services Directive, in order to gain more in other important issues, which were to be the beginning of Turkey accession talks, and the setting of financial perspective for the years 2007-2013. Such kind of evidence is possible only after some time, when the researcher can glance in to the archives. For the time being, the main hypothetical explanation could be the fact, that all those bargains were conducted during the period of British presidency in EU. The Services Directive case is a challenge for this paper in testing the explanatory capabilities of liberal intergovernmentalism. This theory is best in explaining "big" bargains, where only member states have a right to decide. The Services Directive is a piece of daily EU legislation, conducted under the co-decision procedure, where the European Parliament and the Council has an equal say. The paper showed that indeed some reservations should be made according to the institutional arena. Regarding the future of Services market integration, the research in this paper showed, that most probably the answer lies behind the member states. If their domestic interests groups see the process beneficial, and governments take that in to account, then there will be nothing that will stop Services Directive to be fulfilled to the greatest scale. Therefore the current, diluted version of this document should be considered as the second best solution for EU, and a marker for the future.
This paper analyzes the process of the services market integration in the context of Services Directive and the national preferences of member states towards this document in particular and towards the process of services liberalization in general. The methodological guidelines for the research are provided by one of the contemporary theories of EU integration – liberal intergovernmentalism, as developed by Andrew Moravcsik in his prominent book The Choice for Europe. The main argument of this author is that "European integration can be best explained as a series of rational choices made by national leaders."(A. Moravcsik: 18) What follows as the main hypothetical proposition is that the integration of services market in the European Union rests upon national preferences of member states, which are shaped by domestic economic interests groups and upon relative bargaining powers of these member states. According to A. Moravcsik's argumentation, it is assumed in this paper that it suffice to analyze three major member states – Germany, France and United Kingdom (UK). The analysis of this paper proved the relative interdependence between gains and bargaining power. It was showed, that UK has more competitive services providers, especially those providing professional services, then France and Germany. It is the reason why the service market opening could bring more benefits to British providers. This situation led UK to have less persuading arguments and made them make concessions. It was also proved that due to strong national concerns the Commission lacked ability to act as intermediate or shape national preferences towards its own position. In that case it was demonstrated, under A. Moravcsik terms, that the supranational body is irrelevant in EU policy making. It was partly vindicated that the governments pay more attention to the business interests. It was particularly true in UK, where the business interests were taken count of more then the interests of professional associations or consumer groups. But regarding the cases of France and Germany, the proposition of A. Moravcsik begs some reservations: when strong corporate culture thrives, well organized professional associations can counterweight the business interests, especially when the important referendums or elections are here to come. Lastly, it was impossible scientifically to test the validity of the statement, that UK strategically made concessions regarding the Services Directive, in order to gain more in other important issues, which were to be the beginning of Turkey accession talks, and the setting of financial perspective for the years 2007-2013. Such kind of evidence is possible only after some time, when the researcher can glance in to the archives. For the time being, the main hypothetical explanation could be the fact, that all those bargains were conducted during the period of British presidency in EU. The Services Directive case is a challenge for this paper in testing the explanatory capabilities of liberal intergovernmentalism. This theory is best in explaining "big" bargains, where only member states have a right to decide. The Services Directive is a piece of daily EU legislation, conducted under the co-decision procedure, where the European Parliament and the Council has an equal say. The paper showed that indeed some reservations should be made according to the institutional arena. Regarding the future of Services market integration, the research in this paper showed, that most probably the answer lies behind the member states. If their domestic interests groups see the process beneficial, and governments take that in to account, then there will be nothing that will stop Services Directive to be fulfilled to the greatest scale. Therefore the current, diluted version of this document should be considered as the second best solution for EU, and a marker for the future.
Aim of the Master thesis was to evaluate EU energy policy that was implemented up to the present time and to analyze the positions of the main EU energy policy actors, discerning their interests and priorities given to the specific aspects of energy sector. The task set was to determine the factors and conditions that influence the harmonization of economic policy in the EU. Furthermore, to evaluate which of these factors accelerate and which block the integration of common EU energy policy. Liberal intergovernmentalism (LI) approach was chosen for the analysis. As LI supposes, interests of member states are most important in the context of the common energy policy. Member states keep the right of decision for this politics in their competence, as it is concerned with foreign policy of each country. The analysis shows that formally all member states agree with the main principles of EU energy policy. On the other hand most of their actions do not match the official rhetoric. The examples provided in the thesis concerned equivocal position of Germany due to the natural gas pipeline in the Baltic sea, also protectionism of French and Spanish governments and their unwillingness to admit the foreign capital in the national energy sector. Therefore it was concluded that national interests still have priority against the European policies. National governments experience pressure from two other groups of actors that are important in the course of the formulation of national interests. These actors are energy companies and foreign, non-EU, actors. Energy companies face ambiguity towards EU energy policy. On the one hand, common EU energy policy would mean simpler conditions for the businesses and also wider markets. On the other hand, most of these companies are so called "national champions". With the implementation of the main principles of common EU energy policy, such as unbundling of the companies, means loss of their national benefits. Due to these additional new challenges, energy companies support common energy policy in the reserved way. The exemption is companies of the Great Britain that are already working in the highly liberalized market and seeks for the same conditions in all EU member states. As regards foreign policy actors, the most important of them is Russia that tries to weaken the solidarity of member states against energy issues and to further influence EU politics through energy sector. Russia actively promotes bilateral treaties with EU member states this way deepening cleavages among them. Equally important is the indirect influence of Russia through the Gazprom. At the moment, the long termed contracts are signed between Gazprom and Ruhrgas, GDF, ENI. This way energy companies become the active lobbyists of Gazprom interests. Last but not least, highly important are interests and activities of supranational actors – for example European Commission. Although it is one of the most active energy policy initiators, the competence of the European Commission in the energy policy field is limited and is mostly related with its competences in the EU competition policy. Lately European Commission tried to strengthen its position as the supranational actor. Still, European Commission faces opposition from member states, who considers energy policy of strategic importance for them. Moreover, as analysis shows, European Commission at the moment is not eager to confront member states and therefore has missed some opportunities to strengthen its position as independent actor. To sum up, European Commission has set a very ambitious aim to form a common EU energy policy by 2010. Nevertheless, the analysis of the interests of the main actors, concerning energy policy, and main challenges for this policy, in the Master thesis is concluded that it is not likely for the European Commission to fulfill its set goal during three coming year. Energy policy most likely will be implemented gradually in the longer run.
Aim of the Master thesis was to evaluate EU energy policy that was implemented up to the present time and to analyze the positions of the main EU energy policy actors, discerning their interests and priorities given to the specific aspects of energy sector. The task set was to determine the factors and conditions that influence the harmonization of economic policy in the EU. Furthermore, to evaluate which of these factors accelerate and which block the integration of common EU energy policy. Liberal intergovernmentalism (LI) approach was chosen for the analysis. As LI supposes, interests of member states are most important in the context of the common energy policy. Member states keep the right of decision for this politics in their competence, as it is concerned with foreign policy of each country. The analysis shows that formally all member states agree with the main principles of EU energy policy. On the other hand most of their actions do not match the official rhetoric. The examples provided in the thesis concerned equivocal position of Germany due to the natural gas pipeline in the Baltic sea, also protectionism of French and Spanish governments and their unwillingness to admit the foreign capital in the national energy sector. Therefore it was concluded that national interests still have priority against the European policies. National governments experience pressure from two other groups of actors that are important in the course of the formulation of national interests. These actors are energy companies and foreign, non-EU, actors. Energy companies face ambiguity towards EU energy policy. On the one hand, common EU energy policy would mean simpler conditions for the businesses and also wider markets. On the other hand, most of these companies are so called "national champions". With the implementation of the main principles of common EU energy policy, such as unbundling of the companies, means loss of their national benefits. Due to these additional new challenges, energy companies support common energy policy in the reserved way. The exemption is companies of the Great Britain that are already working in the highly liberalized market and seeks for the same conditions in all EU member states. As regards foreign policy actors, the most important of them is Russia that tries to weaken the solidarity of member states against energy issues and to further influence EU politics through energy sector. Russia actively promotes bilateral treaties with EU member states this way deepening cleavages among them. Equally important is the indirect influence of Russia through the Gazprom. At the moment, the long termed contracts are signed between Gazprom and Ruhrgas, GDF, ENI. This way energy companies become the active lobbyists of Gazprom interests. Last but not least, highly important are interests and activities of supranational actors – for example European Commission. Although it is one of the most active energy policy initiators, the competence of the European Commission in the energy policy field is limited and is mostly related with its competences in the EU competition policy. Lately European Commission tried to strengthen its position as the supranational actor. Still, European Commission faces opposition from member states, who considers energy policy of strategic importance for them. Moreover, as analysis shows, European Commission at the moment is not eager to confront member states and therefore has missed some opportunities to strengthen its position as independent actor. To sum up, European Commission has set a very ambitious aim to form a common EU energy policy by 2010. Nevertheless, the analysis of the interests of the main actors, concerning energy policy, and main challenges for this policy, in the Master thesis is concluded that it is not likely for the European Commission to fulfill its set goal during three coming year. Energy policy most likely will be implemented gradually in the longer run.
This masters thesis deals with analysis of public discussion and ideas promotion during Lithuania's integration into European Union. The work gives an overview of debates on the EU's influence on Lithuanian business. As a concept of business this work identifies Lithuanian companies - employers, workers and consumers. Feedback sources in this case are two daily newspapers - \"Lietuvos rytas\" and \"Verslo žinios\" and the survey respondents - experts, business executives and business owners. The main purpose of this research - to evaluate the main trends, objects, events, that dominated the deliberations of the EU's influence on business. The paper covers the following topics: how the relationship between the EU and the busness was highlighted by two Lithuanian newspapers - the largest-circulation \"Lietuvos rytas\" and business news daily \"Verslo žinios\"; the EU's benefits and risk assessment among experts, business managers and business owners; what main trends prevailed in newspapers, and whether these trends were the result of the influence of powerful business groups. Dailies analysis showed that the \"Veslo žinios\" provides more objective and more professional information rather than the \"Lietuvos rytas\". \"Lietuvos rytas\" is very much focused on the role of politicians in the EU integration process, often with emphasis on the negative characteristics - prone to corruption, incompetence, selfishness. Officials are found as one of the obstacles to the integration into the Eropean Union. The EU's financial support is indentified as a main benefit. \"Verslo žinios\" emerged as a newspaper open to opinions and discussions. Its attempt to cover many aspects of integration creates an impression of objectivity. This newspaper undoubtedly contributed to the public debate on the EU's impact on business in Lithuania. A study of carried out interviews with experts, managers and business owners showed that in addition to obvious benefits, the EU has brought in business and a number of threats. There were pessimistic mood on the role of public authorities in allocating a financial support and cooperation with business representatives. Emphasis is also placed on the influence of business groups on media factor.
This masters thesis deals with analysis of public discussion and ideas promotion during Lithuania's integration into European Union. The work gives an overview of debates on the EU's influence on Lithuanian business. As a concept of business this work identifies Lithuanian companies - employers, workers and consumers. Feedback sources in this case are two daily newspapers - \"Lietuvos rytas\" and \"Verslo žinios\" and the survey respondents - experts, business executives and business owners. The main purpose of this research - to evaluate the main trends, objects, events, that dominated the deliberations of the EU's influence on business. The paper covers the following topics: how the relationship between the EU and the busness was highlighted by two Lithuanian newspapers - the largest-circulation \"Lietuvos rytas\" and business news daily \"Verslo žinios\"; the EU's benefits and risk assessment among experts, business managers and business owners; what main trends prevailed in newspapers, and whether these trends were the result of the influence of powerful business groups. Dailies analysis showed that the \"Veslo žinios\" provides more objective and more professional information rather than the \"Lietuvos rytas\". \"Lietuvos rytas\" is very much focused on the role of politicians in the EU integration process, often with emphasis on the negative characteristics - prone to corruption, incompetence, selfishness. Officials are found as one of the obstacles to the integration into the Eropean Union. The EU's financial support is indentified as a main benefit. \"Verslo žinios\" emerged as a newspaper open to opinions and discussions. Its attempt to cover many aspects of integration creates an impression of objectivity. This newspaper undoubtedly contributed to the public debate on the EU's impact on business in Lithuania. A study of carried out interviews with experts, managers and business owners showed that in addition to obvious benefits, the EU has brought in business and a number of threats. There were pessimistic mood on the role of public authorities in allocating a financial support and cooperation with business representatives. Emphasis is also placed on the influence of business groups on media factor.
The Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union provides that all Member States of the European Union shall harmonize their economic and exchange rate policies, conduct an appropriate fiscal policy, and join the euro area once they fulfill the conditions for the adoption of the single currency set out in the Treaty. The European Union institutions assess the economic convergence with the euro area of a country which is preparing to adopt the euro and it's eligibility for the changeover to the single currency of the European Union. In the 1st of May, 2004, when Lithuania became an official member of the European Union, automatically goal was set to abandon the national currency and become a full member of the euro zone, when Lithuania meet the convergence criteria. The first attempt to join the euro zone has been since 1st of January, 2007, but Lithuania met only three if the four convergence criteria. When inflation exceeded the convergence criteria by 0.1 percent, the European Commissions report on Lithuanias accession to the euro zone was negative. Unsuccessful attempts to join the euro zone shows that Lithuania‗s integration into the European Monetary Union is not properly analyzed topic in Lithuania, therefore for achieving the final success of the integration into European Monetary Union since 1st of January, 2015 the identification and assessment of integration problems and prospects extremely important. So the basic aim of the article is to assess the costs of Lithuania fully integrate into the European Monetary Union since 1st of January, 2015 by simulating the most favorable economic environment adoption of the euro. The object is the costs of Lithuania's integration into the European Monetary Union. And the tasks are to analyze the positive and negative aspects in order to join into the European Monetary Union and to assess the costs of Lithuania's integration into the European Monetary Union.
