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The fundamental thesis of this paper is that Moldovan civil society needs to improve its communication with society. The dependence of Moldovan NGOs on financial aid from EU donors could create a Principal/Agent relationship. NGOs should respect the needs of society and stimulate the government on a pro-European path. The author proves that communication between public administration and civil society is crucial in the process of integration with the EU. ; Artykuł przedstawia wybrane elementy sytuacji społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Mołdawii. Podstawową tezą artykułu jest stwierdzenie, że organizacje społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Mołdawii muszą poprawić swoją komunikację ze społeczeństwem. Uzależnienie mołdawskich NGO od pomocy finansowej od donatorów z UE może tworzyć stosunki zleceniodawca/agent. NGO powinny uwzględniać potrzeby społeczeństwa i stymulować rząd na ścieżce proeuropejskiej. Autor dowodzi, że komunikacja między administracją publiczną i społeczeństwem obywatelskim ma kluczowe znaczenie w procesie integracji z UE.

What it meant by European Integration? We mean the historical process whereby European nation-states have been willing to transfer, or more usually pool, their sovereign powers in a collective enterprise. The European Union, which today contains twenty-eight member states, which has a complex institutional structure that includes a supranational central administration (the European Commission), an elected Parliament, a Court of Justice and a Central Bank, is the outcome of this processes. Many American and European scientists of the European Union have chided "intergovemmentalist" accounts for emphasizing the duration of member state authority over the process of European integration. This article attempts to prove these criticisms in a "historical institutionalist" account that mentions the importance of research on European integration as a political process which spreads over time. Such an aspect distinguishes the limitations of member-state control over permanent institutional improvements, due to a fixation with short-term interests, the existence of unexpected consequences, and actions that "lock in" past decisions and make affirmation of member-state control difficult. Short exploration of the development of social policy in the EC advocates the limitations of conducting the EC as an international regime promoting collective activity among sovereign states. It is important to view integration as a "path-dependent" process that has composed a dispersed, but still obvious "multitiered" European polity.

The thesis aims to describe the process of European integration in the social and economic fields. The increase in the social participation of non-Governmental Organisations in the work of the European Union and the strengthening of their positions by EU instruments have resulted from the implementation of the assumptions of the so-called Lisbon Strategy. The main assumption of the presented considerations is to show the process of the formation of new European Union regulations. The reason for initiating legislative activities for charity outside the borders of the EU countries is the number of judgements of the European Court of Justice forbidding discrimination againstorganisations from different EU countries. The thesis aims to present the results of analyses obtained under the Feasibility Study commissioned by the European Commission, public consultations and the role of the opinion of the European Economic and Social Committee on the ongoing legislative process. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

Celem niniejszego tekstu jest spojrzenie na studia z zakresu integracji europejskiej z perspektywy ekonomii politycznej. Zabieg taki pozwala na uchwycenie dwóch głównych wymiarów natury Unii Europejskiej, tj. ekonomicznego i politycznego, jak również stymulowania dialogu pomiędzy tymi dwoma sposobami teoretyzowania integracji europejskiej. Niniejszy tekst przybliża zasadniczo ekonomiczny dorobek w zakresie studiów europejskich (w sposób przystępny dla nie-ekonomistów), pozwalając na lepsze zrozumienie procesów, zjawisk i mechanizmów integracji międzynarodowej. ; The objective of the article is to see the studies on European integration from the perspective of the political economy, which allows to capture the two most important dimensions of the European Union, that is the economic and political one. It also stimulates the dialog between the two ways of theorising the European integration. The proposed text reconstructs the economic discourse in the European studies (in a way which is friendly for non-economists') and helps to better understand the processes, phenomena and mechanics of international integration.

Celem niniejszego tekstu jest spojrzenie na studia z zakresu integracji europejskiej z perspektywy ekonomii politycznej. Zabieg taki pozwala na uchwycenie dwóch głównych wymiarów natury Unii Europejskiej, tj. ekonomicznego i politycznego, jak również stymulowania dialogu pomiędzy tymi dwoma sposobami teoretyzowania integracji europejskiej. Niniejszy tekst przybliża zasadniczo ekonomiczny dorobek w zakresie studiów europejskich (w sposób przystępny dla nie-ekonomistów), pozwalając na lepsze zrozumienie procesów, zjawisk i mechanizmów integracji międzynarodowej. ; The objective of the article is to see the studies on European integration from the perspective of the political economy, which allows to capture the two most important dimensions of the European Union, that is the economic and political one. It also stimulates the dialog between the two ways of theorising the European integration. The proposed text reconstructs the economic discourse in the European studies (in a way which is friendly for non-economists') and helps to better understand the processes, phenomena and mechanics of international integration.

The separation of theory and practice of the European integration created a very dangerous situation for the European Union. The article presents this crisis from the points of view of philosophy, political science and journalism. The"European poison of thought" expressed by a lack of trust of citizens towards the EU institutions perceived as inadequate in addressing the most fundamental problems of the EU citizens, as well as scepticism towards the enlargement of the Union, aversion to financial solidarity with weaker Member States, and disappointment with legal overregulation and money wasting, are just a few out of a long list of problems that make people lose their trust in the European integration. The author also considers the greatest weaknesses of the European Union: preferring interests of those who are present and well-organised on the political arena and the fact that the real majority of EU citizens stays outside the formal democratic structures thus becoming a part of the process of exclusion and fragmentation. The state of affairs in the EU, following according to Karl Jaspers, is called a limit situation, where it possible either to withdraw or rise and exceed restrictions. The author considers hope and radicalism as two forces that power the European political activists; in order to unite them, a new faith, values and hope based on the traditional foundations are needed. This new way of thinking about the EU, the joined-up thinking, is possibly a response to the demand for a radical revival in the EU.

The separation of theory and practice of the European integration created a very dangerous situation for the European Union. The article presents this crisis from the points of view of philosophy, political science and journalism. The"European poison of thought" expressed by a lack of trust of citizens towards the EU institutions perceived as inadequate in addressing the most fundamental problems of the EU citizens, as well as scepticism towards the enlargement of the Union, aversion to financial solidarity with weaker Member States, and disappointment with legal overregulation and money wasting, are just a few out of a long list of problems that make people lose their trust in the European integration. The author also considers the greatest weaknesses of the European Union: preferring interests of those who are present and well-organised on the political arena and the fact that the real majority of EU citizens stays outside the formal democratic structures thus becoming a part of the process of exclusion and fragmentation. The state of affairs in the EU, following according to Karl Jaspers, is called a limit situation, where it possible either to withdraw or rise and exceed restrictions. The author considers hope and radicalism as two forces that power the European political activists; in order to unite them, a new faith, values and hope based on the traditional foundations are needed. This new way of thinking about the EU, the joined-up thinking, is possibly a response to the demand for a radical revival in the EU.

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie nowego koniunktywnego podejścia w badaniach integracji europejskiej: deliberatywnej fuzji międzyrządowej. Bazuje ono na połączeniu liberalnej teorii międzyrządowej, teorii fuzji i teorii deliberatywnego supranacjonalizmu. Główną myślą jest stwierdzenie, że żadna z istniejących koncepcji teoretycznych nie jest w stanie wyjaśnić istoty procesów integracyjnych w ramach Unii Europejskiej. W artykule przedstawiono podstawowe założenia wskazanych teorii (traktowanych jako koncepcje wyjściowe), przeanalizowano główne cechy Unii Europejskiej w czasie kryzysu, a także zaprezentowano podstawowe elementy nowego podejścia. Zaproponowana koncepcja powinna wykazywać przydatność nie tylko w sytuacji kryzysowej, ale także oferować instrumenty analizy integracji europejskiej w okresie pokryzysowym. ; The purpose of this paper is to present a new conjunctive approach in the research on European integration: deliberative intergovernmental fusion. The concept derives from a merging of liberal intergovernmentalism, fusion theory and deliberative supranationalism. The main idea is based on the view that no existing theoretical concept is able to explain the essence of integration processes in the European Union. This paper presents the principal assumptions of the three theories (treated as starting-point approaches), the main features of the European Union in crisis, as well as basic elements of the new approach. The concept proposed should be useful not only in a crisis situation, but also offer instruments for the analysis of European integration in the post-crisis period.

Stanislaw Staszic was an educator and statesman, translator, political writer, philosopher, economic activist, philanthropist, pacifist, explorer, and geologist. Thanks to speculation and savings, he accumulated property worth millions, which he earmarked for public purposes. In a didactic poem entitled Ród ludzki (The Human Race), published in the years 1819 to 1820 (and written in the years 1791 to 1814), S. Staszic not only presented the phases of human development, but also - as the first amongst Polish scholars - the idea of a general association of nations. Although earlier attempts to unite Europe (taken by ancient Greeks, Romans, Charlemagne and Napoleon Bonaparte) had ended in fiasco, European nations had reached a point where a new political organization could be achieved. S. Staszic believed that the association of nations would ensure sustainable peace and create conditions for the development of the economy. ; Stanisław Staszic był wychowawcą i mężem stanu, tłumaczem, pisarzem politycznym, filozofem, działaczem gospodarczym, filantropem, pacyfistą, podróżnikiem i geologiem. Dzięki spekulacjom i oszczędnościom zgromadził milionowy majątek, który przeznaczył na cele publiczne. W opublikowanym w latach 1819−1820 (a pisanym w latach 1791−1814) poemacie dydaktycznym pt. Ród ludzki S. Staszic przedstawił nie tylko fazy rozwoju ludzkości, ale również – jako pierwszy w nauce polskiej – ideę zrzeszenia powszechnego narodów. Chociaż wcześniejsze próby zjednoczenia Europy (podejmowane przez starożytnych Greków, Rzymian, Karola Wielkiego i Napoleona Bonaparte) zakończyły się fiaskiem, narody europejskie dojrzały od nowej organizacji politycznej. S. Staszic uważał, że zrzeszenie narodów zapewni trwały pokój oraz stworzy warunki do rozwoju całej gospodarki.

Stanislaw Staszic was an educator and statesman, translator, political writer, philosopher, economic activist, philanthropist, pacifist, explorer, and geologist. Thanks to speculation and savings, he accumulated property worth millions, which he earmarked for public purposes. In a didactic poem entitled Ród ludzki (The Human Race), published in the years 1819 to 1820 (and written in the years 1791 to 1814), S. Staszic not only presented the phases of human development, but also - as the first amongst Polish scholars - the idea of a general association of nations. Although earlier attempts to unite Europe (taken by ancient Greeks, Romans, Charlemagne and Napoleon Bonaparte) had ended in fiasco, European nations had reached a point where a new political organization could be achieved. S. Staszic believed that the association of nations would ensure sustainable peace and create conditions for the development of the economy. ; Stanisław Staszic był wychowawcą i mężem stanu, tłumaczem, pisarzem politycznym, filozofem, działaczem gospodarczym, filantropem, pacyfistą, podróżnikiem i geologiem. Dzięki spekulacjom i oszczędnościom zgromadził milionowy majątek, który przeznaczył na cele publiczne. W opublikowanym w latach 1819−1820 (a pisanym w latach 1791−1814) poemacie dydaktycznym pt. Ród ludzki S. Staszic przedstawił nie tylko fazy rozwoju ludzkości, ale również – jako pierwszy w nauce polskiej – ideę zrzeszenia powszechnego narodów. Chociaż wcześniejsze próby zjednoczenia Europy (podejmowane przez starożytnych Greków, Rzymian, Karola Wielkiego i Napoleona Bonaparte) zakończyły się fiaskiem, narody europejskie dojrzały od nowej organizacji politycznej. S. Staszic uważał, że zrzeszenie narodów zapewni trwały pokój oraz stworzy warunki do rozwoju całej gospodarki.

The book by Luciano Bardi, Wojciech Gagatek, Carine Germond, Karl Magnus Johansson, Wolfram Keiser, Silvia Sassano, "The European Ambition. The Group of the European People's Party and European Integration" is the result of the six authors' cooperation and research on the evolution and activities of the Christian Democratic Group (CD) and then the European People's Party (EPP). It constitutes a contribution to a series of publications analyzing the evolution of the European political groupings and their unique influence on the politics and development of the European Union. In the first part of the work, Wolfram Keiser characterizes the genesis, nature and evolution of the CD/EPP Group. In this chapter, author does not shy away from showing the political and historical background of the decisions made by the EPP. In the second chapter we find an in-depth analysis of the impact that the EPP had on the development of further institutional reforms and preparation of the EU treaties, including an exceptional impact on the constitutionalization and strengthening of the position of the European Parliament (EP). Carine Germond in the third part analyzes the role of the Group in creating and conducting policy within the European Union. She chose four most important areas: economic and monetary policy, social, ecological/environmental and agricultural policy for her analysis. Chapter four offers considerations on the impact and shaping of another important sphere – the EU's external relations, including foreign security and defense, trade (including foreign trade), development policy and finally the EU enlargement policy. In chapter five, Luciano Bardi deals with the EPP from the perspective a political party and its influence on the development of the European party system. He placed the analysis of the EPP's position as a key actor on the European Parliament's party scene in the context of the EPP's role in relations with EU institutions, in the foreground with the EP, but also with the Commission and the European Council. The work is based on the analysis of program documents, election manifestos of one of the most important political groups at the pan-European level, which have still the greatest influence on political decisions made in the EU. It must be stressed, this is valuable and very interesting work, and the reader will certainly not be disappointed with this publication.

Gerhard Schröder's appointment as Chancellor of Germany in 1998 marked the first clear signs of Germany's emancipation from the EU's decision-making center in Brussels. It was, however, only after 2008, when the global economic crisis resonated across Europe, that Berlin maturely redefined its European policy priorities. Following that, the federal government gained more confidence in applying international policy tools to protect the German raison d'état in the Old Continent. For this reason Chancellor Angela Merkel has made the struggle with the financial problems of the eurozone one of the priorities of her second-term in office. The quality of bilateral cooperation between the leaders of Germany and France plays an important role in this respect, especially in view of Nicolas Sarkozy's defeat in the latest presidential election. François Hollande has already proved that Paris has a different attitudeto the issue of the redistribution of the eurozone members' debt than Germany, and reaching a consensus will require the CDU leader to be more submissive than before. Angela Merkel is aware of the ongoing reconfiguration of European political alliances, therefore she is prepared to soften Germany's diplomatic language to maintain the stability of the European currency, to which Germany owes its current position in Community decision-making structures. The main focus of this paper is to explore the formula of "European solidarity" of Germany in the context of the eurozone debt crisis, with particular emphasis on the case of the Hellenic Republic. Angela Merkel's standpoint is tested in the context of German-French cooperation with respect to the eurozone debt clearing policy. ; Gerhard Schröder's appointment as Chancellor of Germany in 1998 marked the first clear signs of Germany's emancipation from the EU's decision-making center in Brussels. It was, however, only after 2008, when the global economic crisis resonated across Europe, that Berlin maturely redefined its European policy priorities. Following that, the federal government gained more confidence in applying international policy tools to protect the German raison d'état in the Old Continent. For this reason Chancellor Angela Merkel has made the struggle with the financial problems of the eurozone one of the priorities of her second-term in office. The quality of bilateral cooperation between the leaders of Germany and France plays an important role in this respect, especially in view of Nicolas Sarkozy's defeat in the latest presidential election. François Hollande has already proved that Paris has a different attitudeto the issue of the redistribution of the eurozone members' debt than Germany, and reaching a consensus will require the CDU leader to be more submissive than before. Angela Merkel is aware of the ongoing reconfiguration of European political alliances, therefore she is prepared to soften Germany's diplomatic language to maintain the stability of the European currency, to which Germany owes its current position in Community decision-making structures. The main focus of this paper is to explore the formula of "European solidarity" of Germany in the context of the eurozone debt crisis, with particular emphasis on the case of the Hellenic Republic. Angela Merkel's standpoint is tested in the context of German-French cooperation with respect to the eurozone debt clearing policy.