Can rural administration in Africa become a tool for true development ?
The African civil services in rural areas encounter a series of problems when focussing on developmental tasks since they tend to copy European models. Actual functions of civil servants in rural areas in terms of both administration and économie and social aspects, the shaping up of genuine "regal functions" on account of the enormous gap separating, in économie, cultural, and psychological terms, rural populations and the civil service, and, as a resuit, the difficulty of establishing a true dialogue between both worlds, the paucity of means earmarked for rural development, ail these explain the Administration's disfunctioning in the light of rural development. The only way to get out of this predicament would be to adopt a new strategy for rural development focussing on a restitution or dévolution of decision-making to the rural people and redefining the tasks of civil servants, whereby important changes would hâve to be introduced into the conditions of recruitment, training, and career development of the latter.
The western model of administration. The author delineates a model of western administration through the concept of relative integration (regarding the European countries and the United States) by analyzing the modalities thereof by different countries. Relative integration designates a certain type of relations between the factors composing the model under a double aspect : political and administrative agencies on one part and administrative and economie agencies on the other. The relations of subordination/separation, while bringing about subordination of agencies, and the cohesion and unity of the System, prevent by maintaining the separation of agencies a total subordination of administrative agencies to political bodies, as well as of administrative agencies among themselves. In this sense, relative integration shows a clear distinction with absolute integration (cf. socialist countries) and with disintegration (cf. developing countries). From the general characteristics of the western model of administration, two variants may be distinguished : — restricted relative integration designating a strongly centralized and hierarchicized type of administration, as exemplifled by the case of France ; — generalized relative integration linking up with administrations characterized on the contrary by decentralization, dispersion, and a pronounced autonomy of their administrative structures.
Planning and management on the Branch Level in the East European Industry. The article consists of three parts. The first discusses different models of industrial association which exist in Eastern Europe. Here three types are distinguished : a) the industrial association as a government office — a universal form in East Europe until the late' 50-s, b) the industrial association as a quasi — business corporation — characteristic presently in contries such as the U.R.S.S., Poland and the G.D.R., and c) the industrial association as an association of independent enterprises — existing presently only in Hungary. A discussion concerning the diversity and relative merits and disadvantages of the different types of industrial association follows the general description. In Part 2, long and short term planning at the branch level is discussed. Both the actual planning practice of administrative iteration and efforts to use mathematical programming at the branch level are analysed. The final section is devoted to an analysis of the management mechanism at the branch level. The respective role of direct administrative orders and economic instruments is discussed (the latter is treated in some details). Throughout the article, the intimate relationship between the type of economic reform aimed at and the type of industrial organization chosen (industrial association versus enterprises as main plan executants) is stressed. The changing role of branch planning and management models of industrial associations is analysed and illustrated by examples drawn from Polish, G.D.R., Bulgarian, Czechoslovak and Hungarian practice.
That the reduction in the length of the working-week seems to be the preferred mean of combatting unemployment is symptomatic of an evolution which has lead European governments to an acceptance of a permanently lower level of economic activity, and to formulate policies most aptly described at an international level as « competition by deflation ». The logic of work sharing is the adaptation of the supply of labour to the existing amount of employement. It is therefore a redistribution of a given amount of unemployment. If it is to be a genuine social advance, the reduction in the working week should be accompanied by a change in the distribution of income between all social groups. But when seen as an employment policy, it clearly implies only a redistribution of the existing wage bill between the employed and unemployed. In this article, we investigate the conditions necessary for the success of such a policy and its probable effects on employment. The results of the simulations of econometric models which have been performed for a number of European countries — similar for the most part — are then analysed. But despite these efforts of quantification, a great uncertainty remains as to the effects of such a policy on both production processes and the behaviour of agents. Moreover a further theoretical and empirical analysis of these effects leads us to doubt that the reduction in the length of the working week provides any answer to the problem of unemployment.
The Reign of the Pacific, by René Vermont The shift of the world economic and technological center of gravity towards the Eastern Pacific is being more and more frequently noted. In addition to economists analysing the increasing interdependence of its bordering States (Japan, United States, Australia, Canada) the NICs (newly industrialized countries: South Korea, Taïwan, Hong-Kong, Singapore) and the developing countries (Indonesia, Malaysia), some pioneers have imagined flexible structures for organising this area. Since obviously the model of the European Economic Community will not be used, suggestions have been put forward which take account of the specific characteristics of this immense area where the heterogeneity of the cultures and the age differences of the economies constitute obstacles to the fullfilment of Theodore Roosevelt's prediction in 1901: "The next century will be the century of the Pacific". The potential and the dynamism of this area are analysed here and the Japanese, American and Australian organisational projects described. The presence of four world powers (United States, Japan, China, USSR) in the Pacific give every organisational attempt a geopolitical dimension.
THE MOUNTING POWER OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY - The expression " the German model " is very much in vogue, and it is true that the West-German economy is proving extraordinarily buoyant, although it has undoubted weaknesses. Does Germany's structural ascendancy over the other West European economies imply, however, that the Federal Republic is becoming increasingly powerful in the political sphere ? The political constraints restricting the Federal Republic's room for manœuvre are in fact numerous ; more important, the proximity of its powerful Soviet neighbour and the uncertainties weighing on the German-American alliance must surely encourage the Federal Republic to seek some form of Gallo-Germanism, or even Finlandization. ; L'expression de " modèle allemand " est sur toutes les lèvres et, à vrai dire, l'économie ouest-allemande fait preuve d'un extraordinaire dynamisme, en dépit de vulnérabilités incontestables. L'emprise structurelle que la RFA exerce sur d'autres économies ouest-européennes autorise-t-elle toutefois à parler d'une " montée en puissance " de la RFA sur le plan politique ? Les contraintes politiques qui limitent la marge de manœuvre de Bonn sont en effet nombreuses ; bien plus, la proximité de la puissante voisine soviétique, les incertitudes qui obèrent l'alliance germano-américaine n'incitent-elles pas la RFA à rechercher une forme de gaullo-germanisme, voire de finlandisation ?
THE MOUNTING POWER OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY - The expression " the German model " is very much in vogue, and it is true that the West-German economy is proving extraordinarily buoyant, although it has undoubted weaknesses. Does Germany's structural ascendancy over the other West European economies imply, however, that the Federal Republic is becoming increasingly powerful in the political sphere ? The political constraints restricting the Federal Republic's room for manœuvre are in fact numerous ; more important, the proximity of its powerful Soviet neighbour and the uncertainties weighing on the German-American alliance must surely encourage the Federal Republic to seek some form of Gallo-Germanism, or even Finlandization. ; L'expression de " modèle allemand " est sur toutes les lèvres et, à vrai dire, l'économie ouest-allemande fait preuve d'un extraordinaire dynamisme, en dépit de vulnérabilités incontestables. L'emprise structurelle que la RFA exerce sur d'autres économies ouest-européennes autorise-t-elle toutefois à parler d'une " montée en puissance " de la RFA sur le plan politique ? Les contraintes politiques qui limitent la marge de manœuvre de Bonn sont en effet nombreuses ; bien plus, la proximité de la puissante voisine soviétique, les incertitudes qui obèrent l'alliance germano-américaine n'incitent-elles pas la RFA à rechercher une forme de gaullo-germanisme, voire de finlandisation ?
THE CRISIS FACING THE STATE AND ETHNIC ASSERTION IN CONTEMPORARY BLACK AFRICA GUY NICOLAS number of problems are raised by the crisis -facing the State in Black Africa There is connection between this imported institution the African national reality and the -facts normally designated by the term ethnic reality Both the realities that the concepts mentioned claim to incorporate and the analyses carried out by numerous specialists may be seen on examination to be superficial and arbitrary and to perpetuate the same errors After being shaped by very specific socio-cultural and historical circumstances introduced without alteration and destined to constitute nations instead of issuing from them the model of the European State has in most cases been diverted from its original vocation by the minority groups that have had control of it As to the reality known by the general term ethnic group it is more varied changing complex and difficult to grasp than is generally indicated by the relevant analyses and in fact corresponds to number of very different socio-cultural structures some of which are modern and have only relative or circumstantial relations with the ethnic reality proper Far from being due to the survival of archaic structures the ethnic opposition movements in fact frequently stem from modern political circumstances and especially the workings of the State An analysis of the haoussa group serves to illustrate this new outlook .Revue fran aise de science politique XXII 5) octobre 1972 pp 1017-1048.
Spontaneity versus Formalization in East Europe. Some Problems of Bureaucratization under State Socialism. Intermixing of organizational structures in the Soviet state socialism, dependence of the bureaucratic structure on the Party policy shifts, the ambiguous role of legality, the important role of laymen, as well as the relative shortage of skilled clerks and of the appropriate equipment, all these factors limit the scope and the depth of bureaucratization (in the Weberian sense) in Eastern European societies. Spontaneity must enter the scene when the formalization is inconsistent or even contradictory. The major characteristics of industrial society: growth of population and rising expectations, diffusion of power, highly developed division of labour, task-concentration, universalism of legal provisions, high authority of the state, standardization and neutralization of human relations based en achievement, and urbanism, are consciously promoted in Eastern Europe and they contribute to the growing tension between the Utopian model of a socio-moral unity, and the internal diversity of a developed society. A far reaching formalization is usually particularly harmful when dealing with growth. The changes within the social structure of Eastern Europe exemplify the newly arising sources of spontaneity among people that are related to the growth of the system. The mass advancement contributes to the rising expectations. There appears among people, especially among those who are well educated, a vivid interest in confronting dogma with the reality. People look for better opportunities for themselves and create coalitions which exercise some pressures upon the rulers. New social ties become established and they modify the current model of social system. There is a lot of camouflage on the side of the ruling elite, as well as on the side of average citizens. Local elites try to outmaneouver the masses, but on the other hand the rank and file also develop some ability to outmaneouver the system. In such a situation, now very common all around Eastern Europe, with one possible exception of East Germany, it seems very difficult to establish a reliable and effective policy of reconciling formalization with spontaneity. Nobody really knows where the formalization ends, and where the spontaneity starts. Everything is so mixed-up in this respect that even the leaders are misinformed. The contradictions within the existing system constantly feed various spontaneous behavioral patterns which develop under the cover of formalization. Managers of the enterprises must involve themselves into the extralegal activities just in order to satisfy demands of their own superiors, colleagues, and subordinates. Anxiety is far from being eliminated from the system, and at the same time the religion, which proved itself historically to be the best outlet of catharsis, is condemned or even entirely eliminated (the case of Albania). The system rejects the ideals of a consumer society, but at the same time it claims to challenge the USA exactly on terms of consumer values The rational basis of the system has several obvious loopholes; for example the selection of leaders is far from being rationally regulated. The abolishment of exploitation has been claimed for years as the highest achievement, but continuity of the current system relies on oppression much more than on anything else. So far state socialism of the Eastern European style has not been able to establish an objectified order in which people would feel safe. Still too much depends on the whimsical and arbitrary decisions of rulers currently in power.
La frontière est un fait social qu'on a cherché à analyser à partir d'une problématique qui met l'accent sur trois facteurs en interaction : les relations, l'espace et le temps. Ces facteurs constituent les éléments fondamentaux du champ relationnel en rapport avec lequel la frontière et ses fonctions ont été redéfinies. De cette problématique élémentaire ont été tirés quatre modèles d'hypothèses qui ont ensuite été testés. Une modification de la frontière ou de ses fonctions peut affecter soit les relations, soit l'espace, soit enfin le temps. Les relations structurent l'espace et le temps qui se font et se défont ensemble et forment, en raison même de cela, ce qu'on peut appeler une enveloppe spatio-temporelle susceptible d'être aliénée par rapport aux membres d'une société. L'esquisse d'une vérification a été amorcée à partir de quatre exemples. La délimitation d'une frontière de type européen dans le Sud-tunisien et le remaniement de la frontière belgo-allemande dans la région d'Eupen ont montré comment l'apparition ou le déplacement d'une frontière pouvait affecter les relations et par suite le temps opératoire structuré par elles. La prise en considération d'un changement de la fonction fiscale par lé gouvernement belge a permis d'illustrer la modification des relations, de l'espace et du temps. Le cas de la région franco-genevoise illustre la même hypothèse mais avec modification d'abord du temps opératoire et ensuite de l'espace opératoire. Enfin l'émigration tessinoise du milieu du siècle dernier a montré comment le temps opératoire pouvait d'abord être touché puis les relations et finalement l'espace. ; The boundary is a reality which is analysed using an approach which stresses three inter-acting factors : relations, space and time. Thèse factors constitute the fundamental éléments of a field of interactions through which the boundary and its functions are re-defined. Four models are developed and subsequently tested. A change in the boundary or in its functions may affect either the System of relations, the space factor or the tlme factor. The System of relations structures time and space which interact positively and negatively thus forming what might be termed a spatio-temporal envelope outside the control of the members of a society but up on which members are individually or collectively dépendent. A first attempt to test the hypothesis has been made using four examples. The délimitation of a European type boundary in southern Tunisia and the modification of the Belgian-German boundary near Eupen hâve shown how the establishment of a new boundary or the re-defining of an existing one can affect the relational System and hence the socially operating time-structure which it détermines. It has been further possible to show that changes in the fiscal function of the boundary determined by the Belgian government produced'changes in the relational System and in spatio-temporal organization. The case of the Geneva région frontier similarly supports the hypothesis though it is the time structure which is modified first, followed by the space structure. Lastly the Ticinese émigration of the middle of the last century showed how the time structure could be modified first, followed by the relational System and, finally, by space.
The Price Reform in Hungary. Marx considered price not as a vital economic phenomenon but rather as an artificial attribute of a commodity. As part of the current economic reforms, Eastern' European planners are recognizing that price is an essential variable in a system of decentralized management. Only Hungary, however, has to date introduced a new price structure that transcends the usual revisions in response to changing cost conditions. The pre-reform Hungarian price structure was typical of that in a command economy of the physical planning variety, with prices — and financial relationships in general — subservient to the centralized planning schema. Industrial wholesale, consumer or retail, agricultural, and foreign trade prices existed as independent strata, with no mechanism linking them and emanating more from the political than from economic environment. In terms of the goals specified for them, the prices were reasonably successful; however, the goals themselves were deficient. Price reforms were introduced in Hungary on January 1, 1968 as the centerpiece of the New Economic Mechanism. To achieve the major objectives of the N.E.M. (decentralized management, the optimum development of foreign trade, increased influence of demand on production decisions) it was imperative that prices reflect economic realities and serve as operative signals. No longer could they function merely as devices to transmit central directives and measure plan fulfillment. The reformers agreed on the following: the new prices must have a sound, non-arbitrary basis; prices must reflect cost conditions; they must respond more flexibly to supply and demand; world market prices must somehow be mirrored in domestic prices. The initial task was to choose an appropriate price formula. From among the numerous variants, the Hungarians have accepted the "dual channel" formula, essentially a cost-plus price that apportions surplus value between the labor and capital employed in a certain production process. As a corollary to the acceptance of this format, a more accurate accounting of production costs was undertaken, including the ressessment of amortization allowances, capital and labor costs, and rent. Through this more precise evaluation of costs, the dual channel format can approximate scarcity prices; but these prices still lack flexibility and are supply determined. Planometric, or "shadow" prices are a possible alternative. Derived through the solution of an optimal economic model, they would reflect both planners' preferences and economic realities. Considerable work has been done in Hungary with such prices, but bureaucratic and practical obstacles have prevented their full adoption. Planometric techniques have been used to predict the consequences of various price forms, to assist central planners and enterprise managers in setting prices, and to analyze the deviation of actual from "ideal" prices. To obtain the desired flexibility and responsiveness to market conditions, without sacrificing central control over vital areas, the Hungarians have resorted to a pragmatic, mixed price system, consisting of fixed, maximum, limit, and free prices. The proportion of goods in each category varies according to the importance of the commodity, the degree of concentration of the industry, the availability of substitutes. The number of rigid prices is projected to decrease as the economic decentralization progresses and as competitiveness increases. The danger of the reimposition of central controls and the monopolistic nature of much of Hungarian industry are the major obstacles to the evolution of this new structure, and in fact the proportion of market determined prices has increased less rapidly than originally envisioned. Nevertheless, the format of the price reforms has been preserved, prices and costs are more symmetrical, and the insulation of the price strata from one another has been ended.
