Some phenomena associated with ageing populations are transition of economies to focus more on the production and distribution of goods and services for older adults as well as for younger age groups as part of their preparation for old age. The paper presents the main features of the concept of "silver economy" in the context of active ageing policies. The study presents a typology of the silver economy models in the European Union at national and regional levels based on the use of the Active Ageing Index in comparison to the typology of differences and cultures of capitalism as well as the typology of welfare states. The summary contains conclusions for practical interventions and proposals for further research.
The novel coronavirus pandemic has triggered an economic slowdown worldwide, aggravating those steadily accumulated inequalities in income and wealth redistribution. Western-type capitalism, international cooperation, and European integration have found themselves at risk. This article points out the resemblances and dissimilarities in policies combating the recessions of 2008 and 2020 on both sides of the Atlantic, focusing specifically on the EU and Canada. It assesses the rising popularity of the welfarestate concept applied both to individuals and entire businesses deemed essential for democracy, notably in the EU, for which the protection of citizens' well-being and solidarity values are at the core of bloc integration. Conceptually conflicting solutions for those crises reflect a profound shift in policy making, reinforcing state interventions vs the neoliberal approach and intensifying discussions on a universal basic income as a tool in redressing socio-economic inequalities. This paper highlights the need for a trans-disciplinary approach to benefi t policy making.
The main goal of the EU regional policy is obtaining cohesion. However, development strategies differ in terms of investment concentration. The paper presents the theoretical models of the regional policy, illustrated with a case study of Polish strategies. Using the spatial interactions model, the range of the diffusion of economic incentives was estimated. A dynamic analysis of 1996-2017 NUTS4 panel data enabled the assessment of the results of development strategies. The outcome was confirmed with the L-moments analysis of entrepreneurship distribution over time. The method covered the period of the highest efficiency of the cohesion policy. The author also made an attempt to mark out factors responsible for the failure of the smart policy in Poland.
A deposit guarantee scheme is a crucial element of the financial safety network, which is currently undergoing a major reform in the European Union due to the process of the creation of the banking union. Therefore, it is important to present a variety of the possible target models, their adequacy in relation to the objectives set in the reform as well as to analyse the conditions which contributed to the choice of the one that is being implemented. What also needs to be addressed is the issue of the proposed model along with its potential to eliminate systemic dysfunctions, involving those addressed by the EU legislator as well as the moral hazard inherently present in the mere concept of a deposit guarantee scheme.
The author describes and summarises the main theories relating to the specificity of the European Union structure as an internally complex organism which is being characterised by scientists as an international organisation as well as a confederation and a federation. Many researchers compare the process of the European Union formation to the nation-state formation, others compare the E.U. to the United States of America and many more indicate that the E.U. structure with its specific multi-level governance looks like a neo-medieval empire. What we can see in this empire is a network of overlapping systems of powers and areas of loyalty. The author points out that structurally the E.U. can be visualised as a model of multilevel governance and as such can be defined as a sui generis political system. So it is not analogous to the nation state but rather to a system of governance without a formal governing body. This notion is the result of a growing level of interdependence one can see in the international arena. In the second part of article, the author addresses the sovereignty issues which relate to the E.U. member states as well as the E.U. as a separate body. He reviews the theories which variously explain the process of European integration and its influence on internal policies within member states.
This article aims to make an insight into the conditions of immigration policy and actions undertaken by the Swedish authorities and political parties in the face of the migration crisis in Europe after 2015. A hypothesis presented here assumes that a decisive evolution of the attitudes of the Swedish authorities, political parties, and society towards a restrictive approach to immigration arose from the awareness of the negative consequences of migration management for the Swedish socio-economic model and the political scene. The theoretical framework used in this article is the concept of policy responsiveness, including the ability of political authorities to respond effectively and lawfully to the needs and expectations of the citizens. Process tracing was applied as a research method useful for following the transformation process Sweden's immigration policy. Statistical data, documents issued by the government and political parties, as well as the subject literature were the sources utilised in the research. Conclusions drawn from the research point to the tightening of immigration policy as a result of the fear of a prolonged pull effect on foreigners and concern surrounding the appropriate handling of immigration in full accordance with the adopted model of immigration policy.
The aim of the paper is to present the European gigabit society which is perceived by European Union's leaders as a model of the future European society and economy. It is based on new digital technologies of the XXI century and on new, very high capacity mobile telecommunications networks. The rapid growth of information being processed and transmitted through electronic communications networks needs new high-speed and highly reliable broadband networks essential to economic growth, competitiveness and innovation as well as better quality products, services and the citizen's satisfaction. The 5G communications network is the solution which is perceived as a type of network which should resolve these problems. In the paper the concept of the European gigabit society is clarifi ed, the 5G technology and its level of development in the European Union and in its Member States are described including Poland vis-à-vis the rest of the world. The European gigabit society is already under development and the 5G communication network is crucial to its success. It should be widely available in Europe including Poland. The paper is based on the analysis of offi cial documents of the European Union and its Member States including Poland, offi cial reports of the most active electronic telecommunications companies providing and implementing 5G technologies and on talks with representatives of some of the ones which are active on the Polish market.
Article describes Welsh authorities attempt to enhance their political position (achieved as a result of the devolution reform) as some sort of compensation for the Brexit negative impact on economic and social development of the region. The conception created by Carwyn Jones' Government could not been presented as an alternative to focusing autonomous processes on gaining independence, because of Welsh people lack of interest of the latter solution. As an effect it has been completely ignored by the national authorities. Inability to implement the Scottish model of political emancipation (in the context of step-by-step exception of the European Union regional policy mechanisms in the United Kingdom) has become a factor stimulating real re-Britisation of Wales process
The aim of this article is an attempt to present the process of implementation of the human rights issue in Ukraine's foreign policy since 2014, when, as a result of the Revolution of Dignity, the pro-European direction of the country's development was clearly declared as a final liberation from the colonial influence of Russia. The hypothesis of the presented considerations assumes that the European path of development and the construction of a human rights protection system based on European models is the basis for the internationalization of human rights issues in Ukraine's foreign policy and is important in building an international coalition against Russian aggression. The specificity of the discussed topic required turning to the theory of classical realism, the theory of the state's foreign policy and the liberal theory. To achieve the outlined goal, discourse analysis and political and legal analysis were used. This article is based on the analysis of monographs and scientific articles on human rights issues, attention has been paid to selected documents of Ukrainian legislation on foreign policy, the importance of Ukraine's Foreign Policy Strategy of 2021 has been particularly emphasized, selected resolutions and other documents of international organizations have also been taken into account, which relate to the issue of human rights in Ukraine, the current events and their impact on the level of activity of Ukraine's foreign policy in the field of human rights were taken into account. On the basis of the presented considerations, it can be concluded that the threat to state security, which is war, does not exclude active actions in foreign policy to protect human rights and freedoms, including Ukraine taking a firm stance in defense of liberal values.
The author of the article poses a few questions and proposes some answers concerning cultural applicability of the partnership and dialogue institutions. The core of the mentioned problem revolves around the ability of cultural adaptation of the formal EU norms. The theory and method used in the analysis is aim-functional which is oriented on the research into concrete cultural enclosing of formal institutions. The empirical thread of the argument is the Polish case of partnership and dialogue institutions in the European structural and investment funds. The text presents an attempt to supplement a discussion about the direction and shape of the public policy with significant threads which are often being pushed to the margin of analytical attention and public practice. On one hand, the goal, method and style of narration refers to the patterns of the participatory models of public policy known from the publications of Western authors. On the other, to the Polish empirical analyses and theoretical generalizations. The main thesis is simple as repercussion of day and night, but still seems not well understood: the predominance of cultural institutions over formal ones. It brings result in requirement of modifying the mutual relations towards more partnership and deliberative.
This paper presents a quantitative and qualitative measurement of the components of Europeanisation ad extra in the EU civilian mission in Bosnia and Hercegovina from 2003-2012. The study aims to show that Europeanisation ad extra affects third countries to a certain extent and it is thus a form of exporting the European organisational, normative, and axiological model. The exploration relates to a completed civil mission. For the needs of this study, the Author generated two basic indicators; one quantitative and one qualitative, and used them as tools for synthesising and categorising the studied area, based on the assumption that, in this way, it will be possible to measure the intensity of the Europeanisation process in the external trajectory (ad extra). The analysis of the quantitative and qualitative indices shows the number of activities in the area of security carried out in the framework of the civilian missions in question. As evidenced by these indicators, the export of European norms, values, solutions, and practices is more likely to succeed for the Balkans than for other continents where EU civilian missions are deployed. Measurement of the Europeanisation ad extra, taking the example of Bosnia and Hercegovina, proves that in its expeditionary policy, the European Union has a significant impact on third countries through transferring European standards in various areas of security such as social or axiological.
May 2019 marked the 10th anniversary of the launch of the European Union's Eastern Partnership initiative, which encourages democratic reforms in Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine and the strengthening of the relations and cooperation between these countries and the EU. During this period, significant results were achieved in terms of political association, economic relations and regulatory convergence. Thanks to this initiative, Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine signed association and free trade area agreements (DCFTAs) and achieved visa-free travel. One of the main drawbacks of the programme at this stage is that it does not provide for a differentiated approach towards partner countries and deeper cooperation with those already signatory to Association Agreements. The anniversary of the Eastern Partnership encourages to take stock of the results of the initiative and identify perspectives for its further development. The aim of this article is to identify the main achievements of the Eastern Partnership from the perspective of Ukraine's priorities and interests, as well as to propose a new effective model of relations between Ukraine and other partner countries with the EU under this initiative. The text sets out and analyses the main stages of the cooperation between Ukraine and the EU in the years 1991–2019, especially the participation of Ukraine in the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership. The article shows that the Eastern Partnership policy and its implementation mechanisms need a structural review and differentiated, individual approaches that would meet the needs, expectations and interests of all the parties. If the EU intends to continue building mutually beneficial relations with its eastern neighbours, it should not only maintain the existing initiative, but also adapt it effectively to the challenges of the present. The EU should therefore develop a sufficiently attractive and effective model of cooperation to support pro-European reforms in its partner countries.
Since 2015, Polish foreign policy has witnessed a gradual rise in the significance of regional cooperation, as reflected in its enthusiasm for the Three Seas Initiative (TSI)1. The Initiative constitutes an in statu nascendi undertaking, one which aims to consolidate cooperation among states located in the region between the Baltic, Black, and Adriatic Seas. (In Poland, a popular acronym to denote the project is the "ABC initiative," which reflects the Polish names of these bodies of water [i.e., Adriatyk, Bałtyk, Czarne]. However, itmust be emphasized that the member states of the TSI do not operate invacuum, but rather within a broader institutional framework that includes the European Union, the Central European Initiative, and the Visegrád Group. This paper begins by outlining the prospective geopolitical determinants that will determine the success or failure of the TSI, with particular attention paid to issues of regional security. It concludes by analysing how the Initiative may become a new model for regional cooperation.
The analysis of the Russian-Ukrainian relations case study shows two different models of determining contemporary historical memory. The first (Russian) consists of continuing the imperial traditions in historiography and politics of memory, focused on maintaining the superpower myths of the tsarist and Soviet empires. The second (Ukrainian) points to an attempt by researchers and the political class to escape from the influence of Russian historiography as well as to shape their own national historical narrative and policy of memory, connected with in the European tradition. Geopolitical and historical determinism are the basis of Vladimir Putin's imperial policy, trying to imitate the founders of the tsarist (Peter I) and Soviet (Stalin) empires. The conflict of the Russian imperial historical memory with the Ukrainian one was a significant reason for the aggression of the Russian Federation towards Ukraine. The Russian Federation has chosen an aggressive model of memory policy, treating history as a tool of influence against the so-called near and far abroad.
The next phase of Russian aggression against Ukraine demonstrated that despite lacking a large military, territorial, population, or raw material potential, Belarus could play a significant role in the project to construct a new regional, continental, and even global security architecture. The purpose of this article is to discuss the problem of repositioning Belarus, which was affected not only by the multidimensional change in Belarusian-Ukrainian relations as a result of the war but also by long-term efforts to elevate Belarusian-EU relations. In this area, the fundamental research question is whether the war in Ukraine, the breach of the so-called Budapest Memorandum and the deepening of the multifaceted Russian-Belarusian integration within the Union State (including the militarisation of Belarus and the allocation of tactical nuclear weapons) will cause the projects for the redefinition of Belarus-EU relations (which are instrumental in reducing the intensity of political turbulence in the region) to disappear from the EU diplomatic agenda for a long time, with a direct negative impact on the future of European security. The article verifies the hypothesis that due to the specificity of the Belarusian authoritarian model, despite the systematically deepening Russian-Belarusian integration and the ever-expanding sanctions policy towards Belarus, (2) due to the shape of Belarusian-Ukrainian relations after 2014 and the periodically satisfactory Belarusian-EU relations, (1) there are still prospects for Belarus to pursue foreign policy diversification and repositioning of the European vector in it.
