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In this paper, an argument is developed in favour of further integration of "Europe" and, most importantly, its increased "politicization". It is not based on any romantic or idealistic vision of a positive European cultural identity, but on an assessment of Europe's reality as already integrated economically, socially and ecologically, however lagging behind politically in terms of democratic government and citizenship. The seemingly endless discussions about Europe's identity, limit, unity, civilization, etc. are not a problem that is yet to be solved, but are, precisely, the core of what makes Europe what it is: a plurality in unity instead of a "unity in plurality", as one of the official slogans of the European Union (EU) has it. Current social, economic and environmental problems require European solutions as well as a moreactiveEuropean citizenship. However, European civil identity that is to match European societal reality, will not be a unitary and homogeneous identity, but heterogeneous and diverse, covering a plurality of perceptions, preferences and ideals ‐ it will beplural, not as a first step towards unity, but in its core; and it will bedivided, but not along national lines. Vieningumo pliuralumas: europietiškasis tapatumas ir europietiškasis pilietiškumas Santrauka.Tolesnė "Europos" integracija ir svarbiausia – vis dažnesnės "politinės diskusijos" šia tema yra remiamos ir skatinamos. Vadovaujamasi ne romantine ar idealistine pozityvaus europietiškojo tapatumo vizija, bet Europos ekonominės, socialinės ir ekologinės integracijos vertinimu bei požiūriu, esą ji politiškai atsilieka demokratinio valdymo ir pilietiškumo atžvilgiais. Tariamai nesibaigiančios diskusijos Europos tapatumo, ribų, vieningumo, civilizacijos ir panašiais klausimais nėra ta problema, kuri jau turi būti išspręsta, bet iš esmės sudaro tokios Europos, kokia ji yra, pagrindą: vieningumo pliuralumas vietoj "pliuralumo vieningumo", kaip skelbia vienas iš oficialių Europos Sąjungos (ES) lozungų. Nūdienės socialinės, ekonominės ir ...

In this paper, an argument is developed in favour of further integration of "Europe" and, most importantly, its increased "politicization". It is not based on any romantic or idealistic vision of a positive European cultural identity, but on an assessment of Europe's reality as already integrated economically, socially and ecologically, however lagging behind politically in terms of democratic government and citizenship. The seemingly endless discussions about Europe's identity, limit, unity, civilization, etc. are not a problem that is yet to be solved, but are, precisely, the core of what makes Europe what it is: a plurality in unity instead of a "unity in plurality", as one of the official slogans of the European Union (EU) has it. Current social, economic and environmental problems require European solutions as well as a moreactiveEuropean citizenship. However, European civil identity that is to match European societal reality, will not be a unitary and homogeneous identity, but heterogeneous and diverse, covering a plurality of perceptions, preferences and ideals ‐ it will beplural, not as a first step towards unity, but in its core; and it will bedivided, but not along national lines. Vieningumo pliuralumas: europietiškasis tapatumas ir europietiškasis pilietiškumas Santrauka Tolesnė "Europos" integracija ir svarbiausia – vis dažnesnės "politinės diskusijos" šia tema yra remiamos ir skatinamos. Vadovaujamasi ne romantine ar idealistine pozityvaus europietiškojo tapatumo vizija, bet Europos ekonominės, socialinės ir ekologinės integracijos vertinimu bei požiūriu, esą ji politiškai atsilieka demokratinio valdymo ir pilietiškumo atžvilgiais. Tariamai nesibaigiančios diskusijos Europos tapatumo, ribų, vieningumo, civilizacijos ir panašiais klausimais nėra ta problema, kuri jau turi būti išspręsta, bet iš esmės sudaro tokios Europos, kokia ji yra, pagrindą: vieningumo pliuralumas vietoj "pliuralumo vieningumo", kaip skelbia vienas iš oficialių Europos Sąjungos (ES) lozungų. Nūdienės socialinės, ekonominės ir aplinkosaugos problemos reikalauja europietiškų sprendimų ir kur kas aktyvesnio europietiškojo pilietiškumo. Tačiau norint, kad europietiškasis pilietinis tapatumas atitiktų europietiškąją socialinę tikrovę, jis neturi būti bendras ir homogeniškas, bet, atvirkščiai, heterogeniškas ir įvairialypis, apimantis daugelį suvokimo perspektyvų, privilegijų ir idealų. Jis turi būti pliuralus, bet ne kaip pirmas žingsnis vieningumo link; jis turi būti iš esmės dalus, tačiau ne pagal valstybių sienas. Reikšminiai žodžiai: pilietiškumas, "civilizacionalizmas", diskursyvi erdvė, europietiškoji integracija, tapatumas, pliuralumas. First Published Online: 14 Oct 2010

Am Beispiel des deutsch-niederländisch-polnischen Comeniusprojektes "Fremd sein, Freund sein 1939 - 2009 - 2050" wird aufgezeigt wie die Schüler durch die Erfahrung, Europäer zu sein und als Europäer gemeinsam Theater zu spielen, dazu beiträgt, die europäische Identität der Schüler und ihre europäische Bürgerkompetenzen zu stärken. (DIPF/Autor)

Early theorists of European integration speculated that economic integration would lead to political integration and a European identity. A European identity has not displaced national identities in the EU, but, for a significant share of EU citizens, a European identity exists alongside a national identity. At the same time, political parties asserting more traditional nationalist identities and policies have directed their dissatisfaction against immigrants, foreigners, and, sometimes, the EU. Those who participate in "Europe" are more likely to develop a European identity, while those whose economic and social horizons are essentially local are more likely to assert nationalist identities.

Opinión de los españoles sobre los temas de campaña y principales objetivos de la Unión Europea de cara a las elecciones al Parlamento Europeo 2009 ; Spanish Opinion on campaign issues and main objectives of the European Union ahead of the elections to the European Parliament 2009

Opinión de los españoles sobre los temas de campaña y principales objetivos de la Unión Europea de cara a las elecciones al Parlamento Europeo 2009 ; Spanish Public Opinion on campaign issues and main objectives of the European Union ahead of the elections to the European Parliament 2009

The welfare state is a defining feature of European countries. European welfare states originated in the late 19th century and developed throughout the first half of the 20th century. The welfare state attained its modern form by mid-20th century. Post-WWII era witnessed the golden age of European welfare states, which acquired a level of sophistication enviable for the rest of the world. The optimism on the sustainability of the welfare state was challenged by the global economic crisis of the 1970s. European welfare states were obliged to curb down social expenditure as a result of the general economic downturn. The welfare state received criticism from all fronts after the 1970s and European welfare states were constrained by both internal and external factors. Internal factors that worked against the sustainability of European welfare states were ageing, lower economic growth rates, shifting labour market structures and attitudes towards the welfare state. External factors that challenged the welfare state structures in European countries were the European integration process and globalization. The aim of this thesis is to assess the current predicament of European welfare states within the context of the problems they have been subject to after the 1970s. The response of European welfare states to the crisis and the impact of the European integration process on European welfare states are significant themes in this assessment. The question of whether European welfare states are undermined by the European integration process is given particular consideration. The overall analysis has yielded the conclusion that European welfare states, challenged by both internal and external constraints, have survived the crisis. In addition, European integration and globalization have not caused a dismantling of European welfare states. Nevertheless, these factors have determined the multi-tiered framework within which European welfare states are compelled to operate. ÖZRefah devleti Avrupa ülkelerinin belirleyici unsurlarından biridir. Kökenleri 19.yy'ın sonlarına dek uzanan Avrupa refah devletleri, 20.yy'ın ilk yarısı boyunca gelişimlerini sürdürmüş ve yüzyıl ortalarına gelindiğinde refah devleti modern formuna kavuşmuştur. İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrası dönem, günümüzde bir çok toplumun imrendiği bir gelişmişlik seviyesine ulaşan Avrupa refah devletlerinin altın çağına tanıklık etmiştir. Refah devletinin sürdürülebilirliği konusundaki iyimserlik 1970'lerdeki küresel ekonomik kriz ile sarsılmıştır. Avrupa refah devletleri küresel ekonomik kriz sonucu sosyal harcamalarını kısmak zorunda kalmışlardır. Refah devleti 1970'ler boyunca bir çok kesim tarafından eleştirilmiş ve Avrupa refah devletleri hem içsel hem de dışsal etmenlerle sınırlandırılmışlardır. İçsel faktörler yaşlanan nüfus, düşük ekonomik büyüme oranları, işgücü piyasası yapısında ve refah devletine karşı tutumlarda yaşanan değişikliklerdir. Avrupa ülkelerindeki refah devleti yapılarına tehdit oluşturan dışsal faktörler ise Avrupa entegrasyon süreci ve küreselleşmedir. Tezin amacı Avrupa refah devletlerinin günümüzde içinde bulundukları durumu, 1970'lerden itibaren yaşadıkları sorunlar bağlamında incelemektir. Avrupa refah devletlerinin krize karşı tutumları ve Avrupa entegrasyon sürecinin Avrupa refah devletlerine olan etkileri tezde incelenen temel noktalardır. Avrupa entegrasyon sürecinin Avrupa refah devletlerinin temellerini sarsıp sarsmadığı hususuna özel önem atfedilmiştir. Yapılan çalışma içsel ve dışsal sınırlamalarla karşılaşan Avrupa refah devletlerinin kriz dönemini atlattıklarını göstermektedir. Buna ek olarak, Avrupa entegrasyon süreci ve küreselleşme Avrupa refah devletlerinin yıkılmasına yol açmamıştır. Ancak, Avrupa refah devletlerinin içinde varolmak zorunda oldukları çok-katmanlı sistemi belirlemişlerdir.

ÖZETMaastricht anlasmasının ardından Avrupa'nın girdigi yeni dönemde, Avrupa bütünlesmesive Avrupa Birligi'nin gelecegine dair yeni ve farklı görüsler, Avrupa Kimligi konusunda çokboyutlu ve yogun tartısmaları beraberinde getirmistir. Avrupa Kimligi'nin bir kurgu, birsöylem olarak ele alındıgı bu çalısmada, kimlik kavramının dogası, Avrupa'nın geçmiste vegünümüzde tahayyülü ve kavramsallastırılmasının yanında ulusal siyasal alanlardakiAvrupa kurguları da incelenmektedir. Bunların yanısıra, Avrupa Kimligi'ninve yaratacagıaidiyet bilincinin, Avrupa bütünlesmesinin halihazırda mevcut ve gelecekte muhtemelyapısal ve islevsel çerçevesine mesruiyet kazandırma aracı olarak kullanımına yönelikihtiyaçlar, niyetler ve yöntemler tartısılmaktadır.ABSTRACTAfter Maastricht Treaty, distinct, new visions on the future of the European integration andEuropean Union brought forward ever-increasing discussions around European identity.Considering European identity as a discourse, this study dealt with the nature of identityphenomenon, imaginations and conceptualizations of Europe in the past and today, andthe designs and constructions of Europe in the national political spaces. Furthermore, theneed and motivations for the employment of European identity as a means forlegitimization of the present framework and future prospects of European integrationprocess are also considered.

In June 2009, European citizens voted in the European Parliamentary elections. Despite the relevance of the election, turnout across countries was particularly low. In Italy, too, abstention is growing and this paper aims to explain why. Traditionally, low turnout in European Parliamentary elections is explained by the fact that they are considered second-order elections and, thus, less important than national elections. According to this perspective, national factors are the main cause of lower turnout as compared to national elections. Thus, it is generally considered that low turnout is not related to citizens' support for the European Union or other European attitudes, such as European identity. In this article, this perspective is questioned and other individual factors are considered. In particular, a number of European attitudes are considered as independent variables together with national factors. The findings show that abstention in European Parliamentary elections in Italy is directly linked to citizens' disaffection with politics, rather than disaffection with government performance. Furthermore, attitudes toward the European Union integration project play a role only when the level of political involvement is high. Thus, European questions matter and turnout in European Parliamentary elections is driven not only by national-level factors, but also by citizens' satisfaction with the European Union and sense of European identity.

The paper discusses recent propositions that forms of a European exceptionalism are now emerging. The paper first asks what makes a political entity exceptionalist. For this purpose inspiration is sought in American exceptionalism as a model. The paper then discusses whether Europe displays comparable features in the fields of international legal policy and domestic rights culture. It also asks whether there are other aspects of European governance which could make it plausible to speak of a European exceptionalism. The paper concludes that it is misleading to use the term European exceptionalism because the underlying phenomena are not comparable what is usually understood as American exceptionalism.

Digitised version produced by the EUI Library and made available online in 2020.

Turkey has always been one of the key players in the EU's periphery, in terms of its economic capabilities, geographical position and political significance. While the EU's stance towards Turkey has been ambivalent over recent decades, Turkey, nonetheless, plays an important role both regionally and globally: one that the EU cannot overlook. This paper looks at the evolution of the EU's role in transforming Turkey into a European borderland with rule and norm transfers in multiple areas. It then proceeds to an analysis of the shifting dynamics of dependence and the resulting lack of a power asymmetry between the EU and Turkey, as factors that limited this rule transfer, especially after 2008. To do so, the paper analyses the historical evolution of this relationship, the EU's role in Turkish political reforms, and the degree to which the EU's role altered within the confines of the accession process. The paper addresses first the EU's rule transfer to Turkey in political terms, and identifies the significant blocs in that process with regards to the declining attractiveness of the EU as an economic magnet. Second, the paper analyses the economic aspects of the EU's rule transfer within the confines of the Turkish-EU association and the shifting dynamics of dependence. The paper provides empirical proof with regards to Turkish adaptation to the EU's technical rules as part and parcel of the accession process. It takes note of the limits of the EU's power to transfer its rules to its periphery, when there is no major asymmetry of power, as in the Turkish case, and when the credibility of the accession process is low. While the changing asymmetries of economic and military power and shifting dynamics of dependence feature in the paper as the main factors limiting the EU's capacity for rule and norm transfer to Turkey, it is, nonetheless, important to note that the EU influenced significant political and economic transformation in the country. The paper, then, investigates the expansion of the EU's functional, political and legal rules to Turkey on the one hand, and uncovers the role that power dynamics might play in Turkish adaptation to these norms on the other. As a result, this analysis of Turkish-EU relations provides a glimpse into the EU's role in its periphery, and its ability to transform the periphery into a European borderland by means of the export of its rules and norms. ; Funded by the European Research Council (ERC) within the 7th Framework Programme, the BORDERLANDS project is hosted at the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute, and directed by Professor Raffaella A. Del Sarto.

This paper focus on European attitudes in eastern European countries, analysing the determinants of citizens's support for European institutions, stressing the impact European identity. For a long time, especially before crisis, people's evaluations followed mainly an instrumental logic, with an additional role played by European identifi cation. Subsequently, other complementary theoretical perspectives – identity and political cues – helped to explain European support. But, after the explosion of the crisis in 2008, economic motivations have regained their crucial role. Plausibly, a mix of causes helps to explain Europeanism and even today many interactions remain unexplored. Using a recent Eurobarometer survey (88.3, autumn 2017) the paper shows that European identity plays a crucial role in explaining European support also after the crisis both in western and eastern European countries. ; Niniejszy artykuł koncentruje się na postawach wobec UE/postawach europejskich w krajach Europy Wschodniej, poddając analizie czynniki warunkujące poparcie obywateli dla europejskich instytucji, przy wyeksponowaniu wpływu tożsamości europejskiej. Przez długi czas, a w szczególności przed kryzysem, oceny ludzi podporządkowane były głównie logice instrumentalnej, identyfi kacja europejska odgrywała tu dodatkową rolę. Później inne uzupełniające się perspektywy teoretyczne – związane z tożsamością i polityczne – ułatwiły interpretację europejskiego wsparcia. Niemniej po wybuchu kryzysu w 2008 r. ponownie kluczowa rola przypisana została motywacjom ekonomicznym. Prawdopodobnie, ta mieszanka przyczyn pomaga wyjaśnić europeizm i nawet obecnie wiele interakcji pozostaje niezbadanych. W oparciu o badania Eurobarometru z jesieni 2017 r. (88.3) artykuł ukazuje, że tożsamość europejska odgrywa kluczową rolę w wyjaśnianiu wsparcia europejskiego również po kryzysie, zarówno w krajach Europy Zachodniej, jak i Wschodniej.

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