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In 2004, Polish women took part in the elections to the European Parliament for the first time. It was a long road that led them to take seats there. The beginnings of the Polish women's movement date back to the 19th century when it was closely connected with the struggle for the independence of Poland. It was then that the stereotype of the Polish Mother emerged, the guardian of the hearth and home, and promoter of patriotism. These, among other things, were the social, cultural and political stereotypes that women seeking to increase their presence in public life needed to face up to. Polish women obtained voting rights rela- tively early on, in 1918. Despite their political rights, they did not participate in the political life of interwar Poland on a larger scale. The women's organizations that emerged after WWII implemented the ideology that was officially propagated in those times, and strictly followed the policies of the authorities. Significant changes in the women's movement occurred in the 1980s when authentic women's initiatives formed around the Solidarity movement. At pres- ent, approximately 300 women's organizations operate in Poland. Polish accession to the European Union has given Polish women an opportunity to intensify their activities in supra- national politics. Polish women took seats in the European Parliament, although their numbers thus far have been relatively low. During the 6th parliamentary term, out of 54 Polish Members of the European Parliament, 7 were women. In the EP elections held in 2009, 11 Polish women were elected as MEPs. Regardless of this low level of representation, Polish women are very active and resilient and seriously committed to working in European Parlia- mentary structures. ; In 2004, Polish women took part in the elections to the European Parliament for the first time. It was a long road that led them to take seats there. The beginnings of the Polish women's movement date back to the 19th century when it was closely connected with the struggle for the independence of Poland. It was then that the stereotype of the Polish Mother emerged, the guardian of the hearth and home, and promoter of patriotism. These, among other things, were the social, cultural and political stereotypes that women seeking to increase their presence in public life needed to face up to. Polish women obtained voting rights rela- tively early on, in 1918. Despite their political rights, they did not participate in the political life of interwar Poland on a larger scale. The women's organizations that emerged after WWII implemented the ideology that was officially propagated in those times, and strictly followed the policies of the authorities. Significant changes in the women's movement occurred in the 1980s when authentic women's initiatives formed around the Solidarity movement. At pres- ent, approximately 300 women's organizations operate in Poland. Polish accession to the European Union has given Polish women an opportunity to intensify their activities in supra- national politics. Polish women took seats in the European Parliament, although their numbers thus far have been relatively low. During the 6th parliamentary term, out of 54 Polish Members of the European Parliament, 7 were women. In the EP elections held in 2009, 11 Polish women were elected as MEPs. Regardless of this low level of representation, Polish women are very active and resilient and seriously committed to working in European Parlia- mentary structures.

Myślą przewodnią artykułu jest próba naszkicowania narzędzia analitycznego, które usystematyzowałoby rozważania nad możliwymi wariantami rozwoju Unii Europejskiej w wyniku splotu okoliczności wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych. Pod uwagę brane są perspektywy dalszego postępu, zatrzymania i upadku integracji, oddziaływania postępowania Rosji i przemian w szerszym środowisku międzynarodowym. W tym celu wykorzystane zostało podejścia wypracowane przez wpływowy nurt badawczy, nazywany szkołą kopenhaską: teoria kompleksów bezpieczeństwa. ; The main goal of the article is an attempt to outline an analytical tool that would systematize considerations of the possible variants of the development of the European Union as a result of a coincidence of internal and external circumstances. Prospects of further progress, stop, and fall of integration, impacts of the proceedings of Russia and changes in the broader international environment are taken into account. For this purpose an approach developed by the influential mainstream research, called the Copenhagen school, has been implemented : the theory of security complexes.

The article brings up the issue of the attitude of the Polish liberal community towards integration with the European structures. Its objective is to show the attitudes, opinions and argumentation of the liberal pro-integrative option after the year 1989. In this regard, the standpoints of the following parties are analysed: Citizens' Movement for Democratic Action (ROAD), Democratic Union (UD), Liberal-Democratic Congress (KLD), Freedom Union (UW) and Civic Platform (PO). In further parts of the article, the author shows that to liberal parties Western Europe constituted a synonym of freedom, democracy, prosperity and progress. One can get an impression that this fascination was so strong that it was trusted without any critical reflections. As a result, the liberals contributed to the guiding of Poland's development, accepting the pro-western option that was maintained and consistently realised by all successive governments.

Assumption of the Treaty about the European Union of 7 February 1992 opened an important chapter in the sphere of the community regulation of the status of citizens of the European Union and its institutional reforms. The treaty constituted the legal construction of the citizenship of the European Union and the consequent rights, which had to be protected by judicial and extrajudicial mechanisms, among them, the institution of the European Ombudsman deserves special attention. The idea of the appointment of the institution of the Ombudsman on the community level was enrolled into experiences in many member countries from which it resulted, i.e. the independent institution like ombudsman, can create the elastic and effective system of the controlling of authorities, warranting that the right is justly practical and protects citizens. This was especially essential in consideration of the fact that the first economic integration and the further enlargement of the competence had gone toward the more and more deeper integration, both legal and political. Further development and the evolution of Commonwealths could not follow separately from citizens and their composite needs, and this manner it was necessary to acknowledge to them additional rights, entering into the range of the new institution of the European citizenship. In the article there was introduced the idea of the European citizenship and its influence on the origin of the European Ombudsman, and also two ideas of the institution of Ombudsman effluent from Danish and Spanish experiences.

Zasadniczym celem artykułu było przedstawienie reakcji władzy ludowej w Polsce na zmiany polityczne i instytucjonalne wprowadzone we Wspólnotach Europejskich w latach 1981–1987. W artykule analizie poddano tajne szyfrogramy i poufne notatki wysyłane przez polskich dyplomatów na placówkach m.in. w Brukseli, Rzymie, Kolonii, Londynie do Departamentu IV Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych Polskiej Rzeczpospolitej Ludowej odpowiedzialnego za kontakty z państwami zachodnioeuropejskmi. W publikacji uwypuklono również opinie publicystów prasy polskiej zamieszczone m.in. na łamach "Trybuny Ludu", "Życia Warszawy", "Rzeczpospolitej" o zmianach w jednoczącej się Europie Zachodniej. ; The fundamental objective of this paper is to present the response of the Polish People's Government to the political and institutional changes the European Community implemented from 1981–1987. The paper analyzes secret coded messages and confidential notes sent by Polish diplomats in outposts in Brussels, Rome, Cologne and London, among others, to the 4th Department of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs which was in charge of relations with West European countries. The paper also stresses the opinions of Polish journalists published in Trybuna Ludu, Życie Warszawy and Rzeczpospolita on the topic of transformations of the uniting West Europe.

Zasadniczym celem artykułu było przedstawienie reakcji władzy ludowej w Polsce na zmiany polityczne i instytucjonalne wprowadzone we Wspólnotach Europejskich w latach 1981–1987. W artykule analizie poddano tajne szyfrogramy i poufne notatki wysyłane przez polskich dyplomatów na placówkach m.in. w Brukseli, Rzymie, Kolonii, Londynie do Departamentu IV Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych Polskiej Rzeczpospolitej Ludowej odpowiedzialnego za kontakty z państwami zachodnioeuropejskmi. W publikacji uwypuklono również opinie publicystów prasy polskiej zamieszczone m.in. na łamach "Trybuny Ludu", "Życia Warszawy", "Rzeczpospolitej" o zmianach w jednoczącej się Europie Zachodniej. ; The fundamental objective of this paper is to present the response of the Polish People's Government to the political and institutional changes the European Community implemented from 1981–1987. The paper analyzes secret coded messages and confidential notes sent by Polish diplomats in outposts in Brussels, Rome, Cologne and London, among others, to the 4 th Department of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs which was in charge of relations with West European countries. The paper also stresses the opinions of Polish journalists published in Trybuna Ludu, Życie Warszawy and Rzeczpospolita on the topic of transformations of the uniting West Europe.

This article aims to explain the phenomena of incredibly broad consensus among the Scottish political elites around European integration. All relevant political forces (present in the 2016-2021 term in the Scottish Parliament) have unequivocally supported further membership. European integration and the EU are specifically defined in public debate to carry out certain functions from the perspective of the Scottish political elite. These interpretations in this text are divided into three categories, serving three basic functions: facilitation of the process of increasing the competences of Scottish institutions (through independence or decentralisation), support for social development based on left-wing values and strengthening the distinctiveness of Scotland's national identity. They were distinguished through in-depth analysis of scientifi c literature, documents of public institutions and political parties and statements of Scottish politicians. Author concludes that the distinction between the three basic functions of European integration from the perspective of the Scottish political elite is justified, although it is not always possible to draw a precise line between them. It is also easy to see that there are interrelationships between the different elements of these functions.

The article is devoted to a critical review of the European Parliament Resolution of February 16, 2017 on the regulations in the field of robotics. The authors analyze the approaches of the creators of the law in terms of perception of autonomous robots as subjects of law and pay attention to the legal liability for damage caused by robots. The authors conclude that the concept of robots as the subject of law and the possibility of endowing robots with artificial intelligence with the qualities of a legal or electronic entity are arguable. First of all, the legal personality of robots raises the problem of responsibility and protection of the rights of potential victims. The resolution of the European Parliament emphasizes the need for such a legal structure that will ensure the harmonization of the interests of developers and sellers of autonomous robots, users and victims – the imposition of liability on the manufacturer or liability insurance.

Since 2000, the intensive debate on the future of the European integration has started again. The beginning of the current debate was the Constitutional Treaty, which did not come to force. The idea of creating a federal organization collapsed. The future model of integration is still an open question. On the other hand,the economic crisis of the world economy, started in 2008, which influenced the EU very strongly, rises aquestionwhether the European Union is able to face internal and external crisis. The possible scenariosfor the European Union in the years to come can be very different. The main objective of the paper is toanalyze the current model of the European integration, which consists of very many federal model's elements but is still far away from federation. The influence of the treaties on the hybrid model of integration is discussed in the paper. There are three possible scenarios for the future of the EU presented in this paper. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim.

Ensuring internal security is one of the core objectives of European integration in the context of the establishment of an area of freedom, security and justice of the European Union (E.U.). The aim of the internal security policy of the E.U. is to support Member States with regard to the maintenance of law and order and the safeguarding of internal security. In the last 20 years in the area of internal security of the E.U. many important initiatives, political agendas and legal instruments at the E.U. level have arisen. This article aims to show the development of the internal security policy of the E.U., its most important guidelines and the challenges in the coming years.