Suchergebnisse

ResumenLa dimensión urbana de la Política de Cohesión de la Unión Europea (UE) ha ejercido una influencia de calado en la política urbana en el marco español. Dentro de la misma, las Iniciativas Comunitarias URBAN (1994-1999) y URBAN II (2000-2006), y la Iniciativa Urbana (2007-2013) han contribuido a un nivel relevante de europeización de dicha política en el país. En el periodo 2014-2020 el eje urbano de la Política de Cohesión ha contado con continuidad a través del lanzamiento de 173 Estrategias de Desarrollo Urbano Sostenible Integrado (EDUSI) por parte del Ministerio de Hacienda. Su estudio es pertinente en el momento presente al no haberse llevado a cabo todavía un análisis general de este instrumento, y al conllevar el mismo la introducción de un conjunto de cambios importantes en la línea iniciada por instrumentos anteriores. Este trabajo tiene dos objetivos principales: i) analizar y entender la genealogía del instrumento enmarcándolo en el contexto comunitario y español desde una perspectiva diacrónica de europeización; ii) analizar y entender en qué medida las EDUSI suponen la plasmación en el país del enfoque hacia una mayor competitividad de las ciudades, potenciado en la última década en el marco del eje urbano de la Política de Cohesión, en detrimento de un enfoque de regeneración urbana integrada. Para alcanzar ambos objetivos este trabajo lleva a cabo un análisis cualitativo de las EDUSI a través de ocho categorías analíticas. Se llega a un entendimiento en profundidad de la genealogía del instrumento, así como a un conjunto de conclusiones que se acompañan de recomendaciones de política relevantes para orientar el eje urbano de la Política de Cohesión en el periodo 2020-2027.AbstractThe urban axis of the Cohesion Policy has exerted a profound influence on urban policy in the Spanish framework. The URBAN Community Initiatives (1994-1999) and URBAN II (2000-2006), and the Urban Initiative (2007-2013) have resulted in a relevant Europeanization of that policy. In the 2014-2020 period, the urban axis of the EU policy has been formalized in the country through the launch of 173 Integrated Sustainable Urban Development Strategies (ISUDS-EDUSI). The study of this instrument is pertinent at the present time as an in-depth analysis of this instrument has not been addressed so far by the literature. This work has two main objectives: i)to analyze and understand the genealogy of the EDUSI in the UE and Spanishframeworks from a diachronic Europeanization perspective; ii) to analyze and understand to what extent EDUSI represents the embodiment of the approach promoted in the last decade in the framework of Cohesion Policy towards greater competitiveness of cities and efficiency of European Funds at the expense of an integrated urban regeneration vision. To achieve both objectives, this work carries out a qualitative analysis of 167 EDUSI through eight analytical categories. In-depth knowledge of the instrument is reached, as well as a set of conclusions that are accompanied by relevant policy recommendations to guide the urban axis of Cohesion Policy in the 2020-2027 period.

En este trabajo nos proponemos comparar las formas en las que se han ido construyendo dos procesos con ciertas similitudes pero muy distintos por la cantidad de actores participantes y afectados, el impacto de las transformaciones institucionales que han provocado, los cambios cognitivos que han implicado, así como por su expansión territorial y el grado de participación de organizaciones internacionales, que implican la europeización y la mercosurización de las políticas de educación superior. El proceso europeo de Bolonia se inscribe en el marco de una historia de europeización en tres tiempos, donde a partir de acciones de cooperación interuniversitarias financiadas por la Comisión Europea se crean las herramientas que luego permitirían sentar las bases para, en un segundo momento, lanzar de forma intergubernamental este proceso, al cual se terminaría sumando la Comisión para alcanzar una dimensión paneuropea en un tercer momento. La mercosurización del Estado acreditador diacrónica, y luego sincrónicamente, también puede dividirse en tres tiempos: luego de una primera etapa de redefiniciones y de cambios normativos importantes en algunos países miembros del MERCOSUR, se crean los primeros instrumentos de carácter experimental (el MEXA) a nivel regional, que en una etapa posterior darían lugar a su traducción en dispositivos permanentes (ARCUSUR). De esta manera y apoyándonos tanto en fuentes primarias como secundarias, analizaremos comparativamente cómo se han ido construyendo, modificando y evolucionando ambas políticas. ; In this paper we propose to compare the forms that have been used for constructing two processes with certain similarities but very different when reffering to the number of actors, participants and affected stakeholders, the impact of institutional changes that have led to cognitive changes, as well as territorial expansion and the degree of participation of international organizations involving Europeanization and Mercosurization of higher education policies. The European Bologna process is historically framed in three europeanization stages. Firstly, interuniversity action cooperation financed by the European Commission where tools are created allowing the foundations to be layed for the second stage that presents this process in an intergovernmental form. This last stage involved the Commission in order to reach a paneuropean dimension. The mercosurization of the accrediting State, diachronic and later synchronously, can also be divided into three stages: after the first stage of redefinitions and major policy changes in some member countries of MERCOSUR, the first experimental instruments are created (MEXA) at a regional level that later would be translated into permanent tools (ARCUSUR). In this way and supporting both primary and secondary sources, we comparatively analyze how the policies have been evolving, built and modified. ; Fil: Solanas, Facundo. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

La situación de crisis, económica, social, institucional y política en la que se encuentra Europa y que ha estallado como consecuencia de la mala gestión que se ha hecho de la mal llamada crisis de los refugiados, ha provocado que volvamos a reflexionar sobre los objetivos y valores que persigue y si estos son los mismos sobre los que se fundó en los años 50 en pleno proceso de reconstrucción. Su principal acierto fue convencer a estados tradicionalmente enfrentados para construir un continente en el que imperara la paz, la defensa de los Derechos Humanos y el desarrollo económico. La gestión de los refugiados ha hecho que estas bases se tambaleen y con ellas todo el entramado institucional construido hasta ahora ; The economic, social, institutional and political crisis context in which Europe has exploded as a result of the mismanagement that has been made of the so-called refugee crisis has provoked a new reflection on the goals and values pursued by the EU and if these are the same on which was founded in the 50s. At that time the continent was in a reconstruction process. Its main success then was convincing states to build a compact territory that adhere to peace, defense of Human Rights and economic development. Refugee's management has make that those apparently solid bases are moving and with them all the institutional system building up until now

Spain has undergone profound transformations as result of its accession to the European Union in 1986, on a steady process of europeanization. This article examines the bidirectional influence between Spanish foreign policy and European Common Foreign and Security Policy between 2001 and 2011 as an example of europeanization. During this period the Spanish Government was led by two political parties, the Conservative Party (PP) and the Socialists (PSOE), which had different visions about Spanish role in Europe and Spanish foreign policy. We will analyze these two distinct phases from different points of view: international and European contexts, both Governments visions and perceptions of European political project, their international and European alliances, paths of Europeanization (top-down y bottom-up), and Spanish participation in European Security and Defence Policy. We will pay special attention to the periods when Spain was at the helm of the European Union, in 2002 and 2010

This article measures the europeanization of the legislative agenda in Spain over time, across levels of government and in different policy areas. The results illustrate that since Spain's entry into the EEC in 1986 to 2007, the percentage of europeanized legislation has progressively increased, that those issues related to the single market and the environment are the most europeanized, and that the legislative agenda of the Comunidades Autonomas -- Andalusia, Catalonia, Galicia and the Basque Country -- is weakly europeanized compared to the central government agenda. The article also analyzes the impact of europeanization on Government-Parliament relations. To do that we consider to what extent the Government uses secondary legislation to regulate european affairs, and to what extent the control activity of the parliamentary groups over the executive on european issues has increased over time. The results show that parliamentary control has not increased similarly to the europeanization of the agenda, and that, in general, the integration process has strengthened the predominance of the Government in front of the Parliament in the political process. Adapted from the source document.

The process of Europeanization implies a confluence of resources, social representations and outputs by the EU member states. This is mainly due to the sharing of ideas and values, to structural economic harmonisation, and to institutional system-building. This article deals with welfare developments concerned with the European social model (ESM) in contemporary times. Such and related terms, together with other conceptual premises, are analysed in the introductory section, followed by a discussion on the various European welfare regimes. Activation is single out as the new paradigm assumed in various degrees and understandings by all the European countries. However, different perspectives can be identified on the activation paradigm, a task carried out in the third and fourth sections. The 'Open Method of Co-ordination' (OMC) serves as main element of reference and comparison. Among other concluding remarks, it is argued that the general process of Europeanization is conditioned by an ambivalent perception of activation as enhancing regulatory principles and solidarity or as empowering citizens by means of welfare individualization.

La Directiva de la Unión Europea (UE) de Comités de Empresa Europeos (CEEU) de 1994 es conceptuali-zada como una regulación blanda que deja abierta la posibilidad de negociación, aprendizaje, y evolución. El artículo analiza los factores internos y externos en las dinámicas de evolución de los CEEU en tres empresas químicas alemanas. Los factores internos se refieren a las dinámicas organizativas de cada CEEU y del propio grupo multinacional, y los externos son relativos al sistema sindical y de representación de empleados del país de la matriz y de la filial, así como a las particularidades del sector. Con datos secundarios y entrevistas se analizan los aspectos comunes y diferentes de los CEEU, dentro del contexto regulativo de la UE. Los factores internos generan diferenciación, y los factores externos llevan los CEEU en una dirección similar desde una asimetría estructural inicial hacia unas relaciones más dinámicas e interactivas. ; The 1994 European Union (EU) Directive on European Work Councils (EWC) is conceptualized as a soft regulation that leaves open possibility for negotiation, learning, and evolution. The paper analyzes how internal and external factors influence the evolution dynamics of EWC in three chemical German multina-tional enterprises. The internal factors relate to the organizational dynamics of each EWC and the multina-tional group. The external factors look at the institutional or societal aspects of labour unionism and em-ployee representation at both headquarters and subsidiary countries. Based on secondary data and interviews with key informants, the common and different dynamics of the EWC are analyzed, within the European Union's institutional and regulatory context. While the internal factors foster a differentiation process between them, the external factors move the EWC in a similar direction from initial structural asymmetries towards more dynamic and interactive relations.

The objective of this work is to analyse the European policy evolution of the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) and the United Left Party since the years of the democratic transition until the beginning of the Monetary Union. Using sources of the PCE's historical archive, publications of the communist organization and complementary sources proceeding from other parties and institutions, the adaptations and changes in the political trajectory of Spanish communism are analyzed concerning European integration. From a theoretical and methodological point of view, the perspective is adopted of the Europeanization of Spanish political life deriving from the integrative process and its possible influence on this trajectory. The conclusions make it possible to verify that Europeanization was a conditional factor not only for the policy of the PCE towards the EU, but also for its strictly national policies and strategies. The interweaving between European politics and the national politics of Spanish communism originated in a first stage a critical Europeanism that subsequently, after the Maastricht Treaty, evolved towards Eurosceptical positions. ; El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la evolución de la política europea del Partido Comunista de España e Izquierda Unida desde los años de la transición democrática hasta el comienzo de la Unión Monetaria. Con fuentes del Archivo Histórico del PCE, publicaciones de la propia organización y fuentes complementarias procedentes de otros partidos e instituciones, se analizan las adaptaciones y cambios en la trayectoria política del comunismo español relacionados con la integración europea. Desde el punto de vista teórico y metodológico se adopta la perspectiva de la creciente europeización de la vida política española derivada del proceso integrador y su posible influencia en dicha trayectoria. Las conclusiones permiten comprobar que la europeización fue un factor condicionante no solo para la política europea del PCE, sino también para sus políticas y estrategias estrictamente ...

Since Spain joined the European Union, Spanish gender policy has experienced a process of Europeanization that is real but also limited by European & national factors. This argument is based both on the analysis of the transposition of the EU gender equality directives into Spanish legislation, & on interviews of Spanish gender policy actors & civil servants from the Equal Opportunities Unit of the European Commission. References. Adapted from the source document.

La Unión Europea es una Comunidad de Derecho y una Comunidad de derechos. Tanto sus instituciones, órganos y organismos, como las Administraciones nacionales cuando actúan como Administración europea, ejercen funciones administrativas conferidas por el Derecho de la Unión y tramitan procedimientos administrativos. A pesar de ello, no existe una regulación general del procedimiento administrativo a nivel europeo. En este trabajo se analizan los argumentos que incorpora el Tratado de Lisboa en favor de su codificación.The European Union is a Community of law and a Community of right. The institutions, bodies and offices of the Union, as well as national Administrations acting as European administration, exercise administrative functions conferred by the E.U. law and conduct administrative procedures. However, there is no general regulation of administrative procedure at European level. This article analyzes the arguments in favour of codification introduced by the Treaty of Lisbon.

El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la evolución de la política europea del Partido Comunista de España e Izquierda Unida desde los años de la transición democrática hasta el comienzo de la Unión Monetaria. Con fuentes del Archivo Histórico del PCE, publicaciones de la propia organización y fuentes complementarias procedentes de otros partidos e instituciones, se analizan las adaptaciones y cambios en la trayectoria política del comunismo español relacionados con la integración europea. Desde el punto de vista teórico y metodológico se adopta la perspectiva de la creciente europeización de la vida política española derivada del proceso integrador y su posible influencia en dicha trayectoria. Las conclusiones permiten comprobar que la europeización fue un factor condicionante no solo para la política europea del PCE, sino también para sus políticas y estrategias estrictamente nacionales. La imbricación entre la política europea y la política nacional del comunismo español originó, en una primera etapa, un europeísmo crítico que posteriormente, tras el Tratado de Maastricht, evolucionó hacia posiciones euroescépticas. ; The objective of this work is to analyse the European policy evolution of the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) and the United Left Party since the years of the democratic transition until the beginning of the Monetary Union. Using sources of the PCE's historical archive, publications of the communist organization and complementary sources proceeding from other parties and institutions, the adaptations and changes in the political trajectory of Spanish communism are analyzed concerning European integration. From a theoretical and methodological point of view, the perspective is adopted of the Europeanization of Spanish political life deriving from the integrative process and its possible influence on this trajectory. The conclusions make it possible to verify that Europeanization was a conditional factor not only for the policy of the PCE towards the EU, but also for its strictly national policies ...

This article analyzes the legislative agenda of four regional governments – Andalusia, Catalonia, Galicia and the Basque Country– from 1982 to 2007. The goal is to explain to what extent changes in the prioritization of issues are related to institutional factors, such as changes in the distribution of competences and Europeanization, or political factors, like party preferences. The analysis illustrates that from the early nineties regional governments are increasingly paying attention to different issues, and that this process can not only be explained by taking into account the formal distribution of competences between central and regional governments. The delegation of power to the European Union does not contribute either to an increasing convergence of regional legislative agendas, not even for those issues more Europeanized. The institutional context constrains government's capacity to regulate specific issues, but party preferences are important to understand why there are similarities or differences among regional agendas. ; Este artículo analiza la agenda legislativa de cuatro Comunidades Autónomas –Andalucía, Cataluña, Galicia y el País Vasco– desde 1982 hasta 2007. El objetivo es explicar hasta qué punto los cambios en la priorización de problemas están relacionados con factores institucionales, como los cambios en el marco competencial o el proceso de europeización, o con factores políticos, como las preferencias de los partidos políticos. El análisis demuestra que a partir de los años noventa se inicia un proceso creciente de heterogeneidad entre las agendas autonómicas, y que este proceso no puede explicarse únicamente a partir de la distribución formal de competencias entre Estado y CCAA. La delegación de poder en favor de la Unión Europea no se ha traducido tampoco en una mayor homogeneidad de las agendas legislativas, ni siquiera en aquellos sectores más europeizados. El contexto institucional limita la capacidad de los gobiernos para regular sobre cuestiones concretas, pero las preferencias de los partidos son un factor importante para entender por qué existen similitudes o diferencias entre las agendas autonómicas.

This work delves into the impacts that the European integration process has had on public administrations of the member countries. The main argument is that, given the "Europeanization" pressures & drives, the administrative traditions & institutional frameworks of the European Union have acted as "sieves" & precluded the development of a confluent managerial model. Using theoretical arguments & tangible examples, the author shows that national administrative apparatuses have adapted themselves in a differentiated way, resulting in administrative discrepancy -- not confluence -- as the visible outcome of the integration process. 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

The republicans at the end of the 19th century, with their «critical consciousness» and «institutionist» way of life (related to the Free Institution of Teaching), in some cases verge on scientific positivism, maintained, after the national disaster of 1898, that one of the main ways of regeneration for Spanish people, was educational reform. The Europeanization of the school, social equality by means of an adequate national education, autonomy of the universities, the whole training of students, «popular» education¿ were common places in the speeches and debates in Parliament, in scientific and literary atheneums, and in other academic and public opinion circles.

Este artículo estudia las principales tendencias de la Educación Infantil en la Unión Europea. El análisis cultural comparado nos permitirá reconocer las diferencias que hay en este ámbito entre distintos países, establecer la dirección que siguen los cambios que han ido produciéndose en las últimas décadas y valorar el impacto de la creciente europeización en las políticas nacionales. A pesar de la notable diversidad de situaciones, se aprecian también algunas convergencias en torno al significado que ha adquirido la infancia y, como consecuencia, la educación infantil, en el contexto de la cultura global. Es necesario destacar que esta etapa educativa, más que otras, ha experimentando muchas transformaciones: ha abandonado su carácter tradicionalmente asistencial, ha incrementado espectacularmente sus tasas de escolarización, ha visto mejorar sensiblemente la cualificación de su profesorado… Hoy, la educación de los niños de 0 a 6 años constituye una parte crucial y en rápida expansión de los sistemas escolares europeos. This article examines the principal tendencies of pre-school education in the European Union. A comparative cultural analysis permits us to recognize the differences that exist in this area among the different countries, to establish the trajectory produced by the changes that have occurred in recent decades and to evaluate the impact of the growing Europeanization of national politics. Despite the notable diversity of situations, one can appreciate that there are some convergences with respect to the significance that early childhood, and as a result, early childhood education, has acquired in the context of global culture. It is necessary to underscore that this stage of education, more than others, has undergone many transformations: it has abandoned its traditional 'baby-sitting' character, it has increased spectacularly its level of academic content, and it has also witnessed a considerable improvement in the qualifications of its teachers. Today the education of children up to 6 years of ...