Suchergebnisse

EU policy-making has steadily incorporated gender equality as an important factor for the optimal functioning of democracies and market economies. Nonetheless, few studies have incorporated a comparative perspective to assess the Europeanization of LGBT+ Equality. This study examines the role of the European Union in driving domestic policy change in Spain and other three Member States from different backgrounds in political, social and cultural terms - Poland (Eastern), Finland (Nordic), and Italy (Southern Europe). Drawing on several datasets, this paper concludes that micro, meso, and macro factors have transformed Spain from a "consumer" of policies towards a "producer" within the the EU. In this sense, the factual and normative value of the acquis communitaire (mixed rational-sociological approach) and the rational use of these inputs by domestic actors to achieve strategic objectives (consequential approach) appear to be the main causal mechanisms behind this process. These findings open the way for new avenues of research regarding EU policy-making, and normative questions such as democratic legitimacy and the founding values of the Union, as well as implications for policies such as the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP).

This article investigates the question: why has Danish minority policy shown such remarkable selectiveness with regard to Europeanization? This question is particularly pertinent given that Denmark is typically seen as an otherwise very efficient and keen complier, especially with EU norms and rules. The article examines the reasons for both resistance and selectiveness to Europeanization of the Danish minority policy through a "path dependency" perspective accentuating decision makers' reluctance to deviate from existing institutional commitments, even in subsequently significantly altered political contexts at the European level. We further show how the "translation" of international norms to a domestic context has worked to reinforce the original institutional setup, dating back to the mid-1950s. The translation of European-level minority policy developed in the 1990s and 2000s works most notably through a selective and proactive interpretation of the existing Danish "one-minority policy" and interstate agreements between Denmark and Germany. ; This article investigates the question: why has Danish minority policy shown such remarkable selectiveness with regard to Europeanization? This question is particularly pertinent given that Denmark is typically seen as an otherwise very efficient and keen complier, especially with EU norms and rules. The article examines the reasons for both resistance and selectiveness to Europeanization of the Danish minority policy through a "path dependency" perspective accentuating decision makers' reluctance to deviate from existing institutional commitments, even in subsequently significantly altered political contexts at the European level. We further show how the "translation" of international norms to a domestic context has worked to reinforce the original institutional setup, dating back to the mid-1950s. The translation of European-level minority policy developed in the 1990s and 2000s works most notably through a selective and proactive interpretation of the existing Danish "one-minority policy" and interstate agreements between Denmark and Germany.

The article identifies and describes the fundamental dimensions and elements of the Polish administrative state before and after the accession of Poland to the European Union, beginning with the critical question of how to preserve the status of a state in a supra-state organization. The authors explain the essence of the European Union, or Europeanization, in the field of Polish administration and administrative law. Analysis of the Europeanization of Polish administrative law is focused on its basic aspects grouped under six headings: sources, cooperation, paradigm (constitutionalization), administrative democracy, scope and depth, and outcomes. Separate attention is given to the notion of public administration, as the widely applied definition of the concept framed by Jan Boć became obsolete after accession to the European Union and required transformation and extension. With language being a key feature of public administration, the text points to the post-accession impact of the English language on Polish administration and administrative law. The article concludes with outcomes of Europeanization on the gestalt of the administrative state in Poland. The general outcome stresses that Polish administration and administrative law operate not only within the context of the Polish state and Polish law, but increasingly within a supra-state European administrative framework and European legal space and European public law.

This paper analyses various forms of cooperation between local institutions in European cities, which emerge from the impact of European regulations laying down general provisions on structural funds, mostly in the programming period 2000-2006. Cities are an important focus because they bring together various actors and institutions which benefit from EU funds. The main question of the paper is: how do European regulations on structural funds affect cooperation among local actors in European cities? More specifically, the paper addresses the issue of whether mobilization around EU funded projects contributes to the emergence of new forms of cooperation or whether actors benefiting from EU funds are based on pre-existing local networks and relationships. The research design involves the analysis of formal vertical and horizontal interactions among local and regional authorities and other local institutions in the city, around EU funded projects. Cooperation among the actors and institutions is analysed from two perspectives: 'top down' and 'bottom up'. Top town cooperation concentrates on decision making processes involving the evaluation of project applications for EU funds. Bottom up cooperation focuses on the mobilization of local actors which benefit directly from EU funded projects. Specifically, this paper analyses existing forms of interaction between actors within two European cities: Krakow (from a new member state) and Glasgow (from an old member state). The comparative analysis aims to find similarities and differences in mobilization of actors and interactions among them around EU funded projects. / W poniższym artykule analizowane są różne formy współpracy pomiędzy lokalnymi instytucjami w miastach europejskich, które wyłaniają się pod wpływem rozporządzeń wspólnotowych ustanawiających przepisy ogólne w sprawie funduszy strukturalnych, zwłaszcza w okresie programowania 2000-2006. Miasta dostarczają wyjątkowo interesujący materiał dla zrozumienia nowych relacji instytucjonalnych, albowiem skupiają one w sobie szereg rożnych instytucji, które korzystają z funduszy europejskich. Pytanie badawcze dotyczy zagadnienia jak rozporządzenia wspólnotowe w sprawie funduszy strukturalnych wpływają na współpracę pomiędzy instytucjami lokalnymi w miastach europejskich. W świetle powyższego, kluczowym staje się zagadnienie, czy mobilizacja wokół projektów finansowanych z funduszy europejskich przyczynia się do powstania nowej formy współpracy czy też współpraca między instytucjami wokół projektów jest oparta na już istniejących układach instytucjonalnych w mieście. W celu odpowiedzi na postawione pytania należy przedstawić jak przebiegają formalne pionowe i poziome relacje między lokalnymi i regionalnymi władzami publicznymi a innymi instytucjami na terenie miasta wokół projektów finansowanych z funduszy europejskich. Współpraca pomiędzy instytucjami jest analizowana zarówno od strony procesu decyzyjnego, dotyczącego oceny wniosków o dotacje z funduszy europejskich (odgórna współpraca), jak i od strony instytucji bezpośrednio zgłaszających się do wspólnego korzystania z funduszy europejskich (współpraca oddolna). W szczególności artykuł analizuje istniejące formy współpracy pomiędzy instytucjami lokalnymi w dwóch miastach europejskich: w Krakowie, miasta z nowego kraju członkowskiego Unii Europejskiej, i w Glasgow, ze starego kraju członkowskiego Unii Europejskiej. Analiza porównawcza ma na celu znalezienie różnic i podobieństw w mobilizacji i współpracy instytucji lokalnych wokół projektów finansowanych z funduszy europejskich.

This paper raises the question of a policy for conflict in the making for the EU : the European Defense and Security Policy. After a brief presentation of our analytical method, we structure the paper in three axes. First, where does ESDP come from and what are its main objectives ? Then, what is European specificity in developing specific crisis management tools, and how do theses tool work and socialize the diplomatic and politico-military actors involved ? Last but not least, how does ESDP interplay between Brussels and the member states ? What does ESDP change for them, and what are its obvious and more pregnant limits up to now? ESDP constitutes a way for the Europeans to exit the world order of the Cold War and aims at providing the EU with a median way of crisis and conflict management between the approaches developed by traditional international organizations as NATO, the UNO or the OSCE. ESDP incarnates also the commitment of the three leading countries in defense and security matters in Europe –France, Great Britain and Germany- to overcome the shock of the Balkans crisis where Europe had been characterized by its division and inability to act effectively to solve the conflict. Therefore the member states had built specific organs, tools and procedures in the framework of ESDP. The originality and added value of the EU with its crisis management policy as the heart of ESDP is to propose an integrated approach combining military and civilian instruments. This however raises several fundamental questions. ESDP still lacks cross-pillar coherence, particularly regarding the financing of ESDP operations. This also raises the question of the interplay between Brussels and the member states: deploying troops is still a national sovereign decision and EU states keep on analyzing situations in the light of their national security interest. Yet ESDP combined with the new trends in military socialization since the 80's constitute a strong incentive to reform both the armies and military education. Thus ESDP seems ...

This paper raises the question of a policy for conflict in the making for the EU : the European Defense and Security Policy. After a brief presentation of our analytical method, we structure the paper in three axes. First, where does ESDP come from and what are its main objectives ? Then, what is European specificity in developing specific crisis management tools, and how do theses tool work and socialize the diplomatic and politico-military actors involved ? Last but not least, how does ESDP interplay between Brussels and the member states ? What does ESDP change for them, and what are its obvious and more pregnant limits up to now? ESDP constitutes a way for the Europeans to exit the world order of the Cold War and aims at providing the EU with a median way of crisis and conflict management between the approaches developed by traditional international organizations as NATO, the UNO or the OSCE. ESDP incarnates also the commitment of the three leading countries in defense and security matters in Europe –France, Great Britain and Germany- to overcome the shock of the Balkans crisis where Europe had been characterized by its division and inability to act effectively to solve the conflict. Therefore the member states had built specific organs, tools and procedures in the framework of ESDP. The originality and added value of the EU with its crisis management policy as the heart of ESDP is to propose an integrated approach combining military and civilian instruments. This however raises several fundamental questions. ESDP still lacks cross-pillar coherence, particularly regarding the financing of ESDP operations. This also raises the question of the interplay between Brussels and the member states: deploying troops is still a national sovereign decision and EU states keep on analyzing situations in the light of their national security interest. Yet ESDP combined with the new trends in military socialization since the 80's constitute a strong incentive to reform both the armies and military education. Thus ESDP seems ...

This paper raises the question of a policy for conflict in the making for the EU : the European Defense and Security Policy. After a brief presentation of our analytical method, we structure the paper in three axes. First, where does ESDP come from and what are its main objectives ? Then, what is European specificity in developing specific crisis management tools, and how do theses tool work and socialize the diplomatic and politico-military actors involved ? Last but not least, how does ESDP interplay between Brussels and the member states ? What does ESDP change for them, and what are its obvious and more pregnant limits up to now? ESDP constitutes a way for the Europeans to exit the world order of the Cold War and aims at providing the EU with a median way of crisis and conflict management between the approaches developed by traditional international organizations as NATO, the UNO or the OSCE. ESDP incarnates also the commitment of the three leading countries in defense and security matters in Europe –France, Great Britain and Germany- to overcome the shock of the Balkans crisis where Europe had been characterized by its division and inability to act effectively to solve the conflict. Therefore the member states had built specific organs, tools and procedures in the framework of ESDP. The originality and added value of the EU with its crisis management policy as the heart of ESDP is to propose an integrated approach combining military and civilian instruments. This however raises several fundamental questions. ESDP still lacks cross-pillar coherence, particularly regarding the financing of ESDP operations. This also raises the question of the interplay between Brussels and the member states: deploying troops is still a national sovereign decision and EU states keep on analyzing situations in the light of their national security interest. Yet ESDP combined with the new trends in military socialization since the 80's constitute a strong incentive to reform both the armies and military education. Thus ESDP seems ...

De manera general, s'entén que l'europeïtzació és un procés d'adaptació gradual de les polítiques, les institucions o els actors polítics nacionals als reglaments o les normatives de la Unió Europea (UE), freqüentment vinculat a processos de democratització. No obstant això, existeixen aplicacions potencials d'aquest concepte a situacions de crisi en què els agents nacionals tenen poc marge de maniobra. En aquestes ocasions, l'adaptació progressiva pot donar lloc a pressions per a l'aplicació de reglaments i normatives de la UE, i això pot tenir efectes pertorbadors en els sistemes polítics nacionals. Amb aquest article pretenem fer llum en aquests processos a Espanya durant els anys de la gran recessió i avaluar-ne l'impacte en el sistema de partits espanyol. L'objectiu principal d'aquest estudi és, per tant, identificar les etapes fonamentals dels processos d'europeïtzació de la política espanyola durant els anys 2010-2012. En una segona part, s'analitza l'articulació de la resposta a aquests processos per part dels moviments de protesta i, especialment, del partit polític Podem en la seva fase inicial. S'ha emprat el model d'estudi de casos per aprofundir en el context de la política espanyola en temps de crisi. S'han recopilat i analitzat documents oficials d'institucions nacionals de la UE així com diversos discursos de l'esmentat partit polític. Els resultats de l'estudi suggereixen connexions entre els processos d'europeïtzació i els canvis en la competència partidista nacional a Espanya. A més, identifiquen l'europeïtzació a Espanya com a un procés pertorbador que afavoreix l'aparició de discursos antisistema. ; It is a widely held view that Europeanization is a gradual process of adaptation of domestic policies, institutions or political actors to European Union (EU) regulation or norms, frequently linked to democratization processes. There are, however, potential applications of the concept of Europeanization to situations of crisis when domestic agents have little room for manoeuvre; on these occasions, gradual adaptation may turn into pressures to implement EU norms or regulations and this may have disruptive effects on domestic political systems. This paper aims at illuminating these processes in Spain during the years of the Great Recession and evaluating their putative impact on the Spanish party system. The primary concern of this study is, therefore, to identify crucial steps in the processes of Europeanization of Spanish politics during the years 2010-2012; in a second step it analyses the articulation of a response to these processes by protest movements, and especially by the political party Podemos in its initial phase. A case-study approach is used to gain deeper insight into the context of Spanish politics in times of crisis. Official documents of domestic or EU institutions and various speeches of the political party Podemos are collected and examined. The results of this study suggest connections between Europeanization processes and changes in domestic party competition in Spain; additionally, it identifies Europeanization in Spain as a disruptive process favouring the emergence of anti-establishment discourses. ; Se entiende generalmente que la europeización es un proceso gradual de adaptación de las políticas; instituciones o actores políticos nacionales a los reglamentos o normativas de la Unión Europea (UE), frecuentemente vinculado a procesos de democratización. No obstante, existen aplicaciones potenciales del concepto de europeización a situaciones de crisis en las que los agentes nacionales tienen poco margen de maniobra. En estas ocasiones, la adaptación gradual puede dejar paso a presiones para la aplicación de reglamentos y normativas de la UE y esto puede tener efectos perturbadores en los sistemas políticos nacionales. Con este artículo pretendemos arrojar luz sobre estos procesos en España durante los años de la Gran Recesión y evaluar el supuesto impacto en el sistema de partidos español. El principal objetivo de este estudio es, por tanto, identificar las etapas fundamentales de los procesos de europeización de la política española durante los años 2010-2012. En una segunda parte, se analiza la articulación de la respuesta a estos procesos por parte de los movimientos de protesta y, especialmente, del partido político Podemos en su fase inicial. Se ha empleado el modelo de estudio de casos para profundizar en el contexto de la política española en tiempos de crisis. Se han recopilado y analizado documentos oficiales de instituciones nacionales y de la UE, así como diversos discursos del partido político Podemos. Los resultados del estudio sugieren conexiones entre los procesos de europeización y los cambios en la competencia partidista nacional en España. Además, identifica la europeización en España como un proceso perturbador que favorece la aparición de discursos anti-establishment.

Judicial Europeanization, particularly European case law and the Rüffert ruling, has created significant legal uncertainty in the use of labour clauses in public procurement, which may constrain national policymakers. However, national actors find ways to 'push back' against Europeanization in order to prioritize domestic policy goals. By analysing the long-term political dynamic surrounding public procurement in Denmark, Germany and the UK since the implementation of the revised 2014 public procurement directive, we show how both national actors, and actors at subnational level, where much public procurement actually takes place, contest the Europeanization of public policies. Variation in the willingness and ability of actors to leverage the legal uncertainty to adopt labour clauses results in diverging policy trajectories, but also creates a room for policy innovation. This alters the ultimate outcome of the European regulatory agenda and results in a continued divergence of public policies across member states.

The article examines the vps and downs of Hungary's accession to the European Union. It considers Europeanization as a process parallel to EU accession, and uses key terms accordingly. Hungary's development in the 1990s is thus described as "anticipatory Europeanization", the more concrete EU perspective taken up in 1998 as "adaptive Europeanization", the years between 1998 and 2002 are labeled as "derailed Europeanization", and the years after the actual EU accession as "post-accession crisis". Much of this analysis focuses on the central government, but also includes developments on the sub-national, i.e. meso- and micro-levels of Hungarian public administration. The conclusion offers an outlook for the imminent future, as Hungary prepares for assuming the EU presidency in 2011. Adapted from the source document.