Understanding Euroscepticism
In: Revue française de science politique, Band 61, Heft 6, S. 1174-1175
ISSN: 0035-2950
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In: Revue française de science politique, Band 61, Heft 6, S. 1174-1175
ISSN: 0035-2950
In: Politique étrangère: PE ; revue trimestrielle publiée par l'Institut Français des Relations Internationales, Heft 4, S. 927-928
ISSN: 0032-342X
In: Revue politique et parlementaire, Band 116, Heft 1070, S. 137-160
ISSN: 0035-385X
World Affairs Online
In: Studien zur Geschichte der europäischen Integration Band 30
In: Geschichte
In: Annuaire français de relations internationales, Band 9, S. 389-405
World Affairs Online
In: Revue française de science politique, Band 55, Heft 2, S. 341-342
ISSN: 0035-2950
In: Studien zur Geschichte der Europäischen Integration, Nr. 11
World Affairs Online
In: Studien zur Geschichte der Europäischen Integration Nr. 21
In: Studien zur Geschichte der Europäischen Integration (SGEI), ...
In: Geschichte
World Affairs Online
In: Revue française de science politique, Band 55, Heft 2, S. 341-342
ISSN: 0035-2950
A review essay on a book by Anthony Forster, Euroscepticism in Contemporary British Politics: Opposition to Europe in the British Conservative and Labour Parties since 1945 (London: Routledge, 2002). Adapted from the source document.
In: Critique internationale: revue comparative de sciences sociales, Heft 3, S. 79-101
ISSN: 1149-9818, 1290-7839
Starting with a historical overview of the political struggle against the European integration project since the 1960s, this article underlines the both permanent & changing features of British Euroscepticism. The most recent period has seen a flourishing of skeptical groups that have formed not only outside the parliamentary arena but the two main parties as well. European issues have become an increasingly prominent feature in British politics, weakening the bipartisan system by prompting factionism, the creation of new parties, the rise of new way of doing politics & the political involvement of social groups. British Euroscepticism revolves around concerns over socio-economical, political & geopolitical issues. These three arguments reflect three different kinds of discourses: utilitarian (Is European integration good for British economy?), institutional (Does European involvement in the EU undermine the British parliament's sovereignty?) & (inter)nationalist (Is EU membership compatible with the UK's role in worldwide leadership?). Adapted from the source document.
In: Revue française de science politique, Band 59, Heft 5, S. 997-1020
ISSN: 0035-2950
In: Critique internationale: revue comparative de sciences sociales, Heft 4, S. 153-168
ISSN: 1149-9818, 1290-7839
Italy's constitutional preferences at the European Convention were not distinct from those that eventually emerged in the draft document, at least as regards the most important constitutional features. This despite early suggestions that the Berlusconi government had moved away from traditional Italian preferences for federal solutions & stronger central institutions. However, in the aftermath of the Convention, particularly in the light of domestic coalition tensions & difficult economic & budgetary problems, it appears that a form of Euroscepticism is reappearing within the government. Currently this is focused mainly on the role of the European Commission, but in future it may be expected to spread to other institutional issues, particularly if European integration were to become, for the first time in postwar Italy, disputed electoral territory between the parties. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politique internationale: pi, Band 131
ISSN: 0221-2781
On November 2, 2010, France and the United Kingdom signed a landmark defense and security treaty. The accord calls for cooperation in 13 key areas, from the creation of a joint expeditionary force to collaboration in aircraft carriers and unmanned air systems (drones). It also includes cooperation in the highly sensitive area of nuclear deterrence. Such a rapprochement is particularly significant since Paris and London have clashed on these issues more than once and the UK's new coalition government is often accused of Euroscepticism. In this exceptional interview with Politique Internationale, U.K. Secretary of State for Defense Liam Fox explains that it is precisely because the Conservative Party and Mr. Fox himself are seen as such staunch defenders of national sovereignty that they were able to push this agreement through. He also outlines the many benefits of this unprecedented alliance. Compelling. Adapted from the source document.
In: Studien zur Geschichte der Europäischen Integration (SGEI) Band 32
In: Geschichte
In Europe, the Schengen crisis, spurred off by the unexpected migration flow in 2015, led to a re-questioning of the functions of "borders" in European integration. Especially the ideal of a "Europe without borders" is crumbling and the re-introduction of border controls in several EU member states not only slows down the process of European Integration, but also represents an obstacle to cross-border cooperation. One of the main consequences of this crisis is also growing euroscepticism and a new fear of integration which might even lead to the disintegration of the EU. The present publication regroups the contributions to four "castle-talks on cross-border cooperation" organized at the château Pourtalès, in Strasbourg, between 2012 and 2016, in the framework of Birte Wassenberg's Erasmus and Jean Monnet activities supported by the European Commission. The different contributions deal with the theoretical link between borders, international relations and cross-border cooperation, by examining borders as places of cross-border governance, as gatekeepers of sovereignty and security, as "scars" of history and as places of reconciliation.