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Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it's imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism;- is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. The presented literature details analysis of party perception of European integration, party attitude towards EU and its institutions, levels of Euroscepticism within a political party, party application of Euroscepticism. At the end of this paper, based on conducted analysis, it was concluded that: 1). European integration is viewed differently between Greek political parties. Soft Eurosceptic parties agree with the principal of European integration, but later differ on how they view current and future integration. Hard Eurosceptic parties tend to disapprove of European integration ideals or to view them through a prism of party ideology; 2) Based on how a party views European integration in past, present and future sense, it determines what level of Euroscepticism it expresses and what level of eurosceptic attitude is present within a party when dealing with European issues; 3). Dependent from which source of Euroscepticism (strategic or ideological) party expresses anti-EU behavior, it affects party application of Euroscepticism towards EU; 4). Even parties that are considered to be pro-EU reside small levels of eurosceptic behavior within themselves, which is caused by party ideology coming into conflict with elements of European integration such as power balance of member states or levels of democracy in the union; 5). Soft Euroscepticism dominates Greek political parties. Hard Euroscepticism is present only in strongly ideological (radical) political parties. Greek party polity combines within itself various types and variations of Euroscepticism, each different from each other and yet at the same time having similar roots. This shows that Euroscepticism is not a single entity, having only one form or expression, each unique in how it is applied and assimilated. Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it's imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism;- is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. The presented literature details analysis of party perception of European integration, party attitude towards EU and its institutions, levels of Euroscepticism within a political party, party application of Euroscepticism.

Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it's imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism;- is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. The presented literature details analysis of party perception of European integration, party attitude towards EU and its institutions, levels of Euroscepticism within a political party, party application of Euroscepticism. At the end of this paper, based on conducted analysis, it was concluded that: 1). European integration is viewed differently between Greek political parties. Soft Eurosceptic parties agree with the principal of European integration, but later differ on how they view current and future integration. Hard Eurosceptic parties tend to disapprove of European integration ideals or to view them through a prism of party ideology; 2) Based on how a party views European integration in past, present and future sense, it determines what level of Euroscepticism it expresses and what level of eurosceptic attitude is present within a party when dealing with European issues; 3). Dependent from which source of Euroscepticism (strategic or ideological) party expresses anti-EU behavior, it affects party application of Euroscepticism towards EU; 4). Even parties that are considered to be pro-EU reside small levels of eurosceptic behavior within themselves, which is caused by party ideology coming into conflict with elements of European integration such as power balance of member states or levels of democracy in the union; 5). Soft Euroscepticism dominates Greek political parties. Hard Euroscepticism is present only in strongly ideological (radical) political parties. Greek party polity combines within itself various types and variations of Euroscepticism, each different from each other and yet at the same time having similar roots. This shows that Euroscepticism is not a single entity, having only one form or expression, each unique in how it is applied and assimilated. Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it's imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism;- is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. The presented literature details analysis of party perception of European integration, party attitude towards EU and its institutions, levels of Euroscepticism within a political party, party application of Euroscepticism.

Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it's imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism;- is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. The presented literature details analysis of party perception of European integration, party attitude towards EU and its institutions, levels of Euroscepticism within a political party, party application of Euroscepticism. At the end of this paper, based on conducted analysis, it was concluded that: 1). European integration is viewed differently between Greek political parties. Soft Eurosceptic parties agree with the principal of European integration, but later differ on how they view current and future integration. Hard Eurosceptic parties tend to disapprove of European integration ideals or to view them through a prism of party ideology; 2) Based on how a party views European integration in past, present and future sense, it determines what level of Euroscepticism it expresses and what level of eurosceptic attitude is present within a party when dealing with European issues; 3). Dependent from which source of Euroscepticism (strategic or ideological) party expresses anti-EU behavior, it affects party application of Euroscepticism towards EU; 4). Even parties that are considered to be pro-EU reside small levels of eurosceptic behavior within themselves, which is caused by party ideology coming into conflict with elements of European integration such as power balance of member states or levels of democracy in the union; 5). Soft Euroscepticism dominates Greek political parties. Hard Euroscepticism is present only in strongly ideological (radical) political parties. Greek party polity combines within itself various types and variations of Euroscepticism, each different from each other and yet at the same time having similar roots. This shows that Euroscepticism is not a single entity, having only one form or expression, each unique in how it is applied and assimilated. Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it's imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism;- is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period. The presented literature details analysis of party perception of European integration, party attitude towards EU and its institutions, levels of Euroscepticism within a political party, party application of Euroscepticism.

This study entitled "Political Elite Euroscepticism in the Central Europe: the Czech Republic Case" analyzes effects of Europeanization of the Eurosceptic Czech political elite, focusing on the Europeanization of centre-right Eurosceptic Civic Democratic Party during Czech Republic's accession to the European Union period and Eropean Union membership period till the year 2009. The first part of the study considered the theorethical approaches of political elite Euroscepticism and Europeanization of political parties and party systems. For the evaluation of Euroscepticism level of the Czech political elite in general and especially in the case of the Civic Democratic Party, the main concepts has been discussed and adapted using Aleks Szczerbiak, Paul Taggart and Petr Kopecky, Cas Mudde existing studies about the Central and Eastern Europe political elite Euroscepticism. According to Robert Ladrech, five most important and interrelated areas in which research should be done on the phenomenon of Europeanization of political parties and their activities in the context of the European Union candidate and member states were revealed and later, dealing with the basic R. Ladrech's classification, there were assumed that potential Europeanization effect on parties and party systems could be divided to three main categories: programmatic elements (including the party rhetoric and voter mobilization in general sense), organizational elements (including internal party organizational changes and the formalization of cooperation with European-level parties) and potential changes in party systems, focusing on the format and competition changes (including the importance of "European" issues and the potential "European" cleavages impact on inter-party competition sphere). The second part of this study revealed common manifestations of Euroscepticism in the Central and Eastern European countries, as well as the Eurosceptic parties of the region were located and classified. In the third part, the previously identified Eurosceptic Czech political parties were discussed in more detail. The disclosure of the Czech political elite Euroscepticism origin was made more generally, presenting the detailed overview of the dynamics of the Civic Democratic Party till the Czech Republic's accession to the EU in the year 2004. The fourth part provides the test of the Eurosceptic Czech political elite, with special attention to the Civic Democratic Party, in order to make a verification or falsification of real influence of Europeanization on party or party system. In the research, level of Europeanization was assessed identifying changes in the parliamentary election programs, the party organization and in the Czech political system in general, in the time frame, which includes the Czech Republic's preparation for the EU accession and EU membership period to the year 2009. To conclude and taking into account the limited Europeanization impact on Czech party system and Civic Democratic Party, as in this study is presumed, it would be wrong to predicate about deepening Europeanization particularly within the Eurosceptic Czech political elite, which maintain their Eurosceptic position on the relevant EU development issues. Moreover, one of the most significant center-right Civic Democratic Party, despite its changing leaders and positioning in the office, firmly preserves its stable stance of "soft" Euroscepticism".

This study entitled "Political Elite Euroscepticism in the Central Europe: the Czech Republic Case" analyzes effects of Europeanization of the Eurosceptic Czech political elite, focusing on the Europeanization of centre-right Eurosceptic Civic Democratic Party during Czech Republic's accession to the European Union period and Eropean Union membership period till the year 2009. The first part of the study considered the theorethical approaches of political elite Euroscepticism and Europeanization of political parties and party systems. For the evaluation of Euroscepticism level of the Czech political elite in general and especially in the case of the Civic Democratic Party, the main concepts has been discussed and adapted using Aleks Szczerbiak, Paul Taggart and Petr Kopecky, Cas Mudde existing studies about the Central and Eastern Europe political elite Euroscepticism. According to Robert Ladrech, five most important and interrelated areas in which research should be done on the phenomenon of Europeanization of political parties and their activities in the context of the European Union candidate and member states were revealed and later, dealing with the basic R. Ladrech's classification, there were assumed that potential Europeanization effect on parties and party systems could be divided to three main categories: programmatic elements (including the party rhetoric and voter mobilization in general sense), organizational elements (including internal party organizational changes and the formalization of cooperation with European-level parties) and potential changes in party systems, focusing on the format and competition changes (including the importance of "European" issues and the potential "European" cleavages impact on inter-party competition sphere). The second part of this study revealed common manifestations of Euroscepticism in the Central and Eastern European countries, as well as the Eurosceptic parties of the region were located and classified. In the third part, the previously identified Eurosceptic Czech political parties were discussed in more detail. The disclosure of the Czech political elite Euroscepticism origin was made more generally, presenting the detailed overview of the dynamics of the Civic Democratic Party till the Czech Republic's accession to the EU in the year 2004. The fourth part provides the test of the Eurosceptic Czech political elite, with special attention to the Civic Democratic Party, in order to make a verification or falsification of real influence of Europeanization on party or party system. In the research, level of Europeanization was assessed identifying changes in the parliamentary election programs, the party organization and in the Czech political system in general, in the time frame, which includes the Czech Republic's preparation for the EU accession and EU membership period to the year 2009. To conclude and taking into account the limited Europeanization impact on Czech party system and Civic Democratic Party, as in this study is presumed, it would be wrong to predicate about deepening Europeanization particularly within the Eurosceptic Czech political elite, which maintain their Eurosceptic position on the relevant EU development issues. Moreover, one of the most significant center-right Civic Democratic Party, despite its changing leaders and positioning in the office, firmly preserves its stable stance of "soft" Euroscepticism".

The Party-based Euroscepticism: The Influence of the European Refugee Crisis and Brexit in Denmark SUMMARY Over the past ten years, the European Union (EU) has endured a series of crises with 2015 Europe's refugee crisis and ongoing Brexit being the most prominent ones. In addition to the EU's crises, the EU has faced the rise of Euroscepticism. Scientists overwhelmingly agree that Euroscepticism and EU's crises are related, however, the relation between them are analyzed rarely and insufficiently. Taking this into account, this master thesis examines the link between recent EU's crises and party-based Euroscepticism in Denmark. The case of Denmark is extraordinary because of its rich history in case of Euroscepticism. Denmark is well known for its numerous referendums on EU integration, an exclusive right to opt-outs within EU's policy and the rise of Eurosceptic parties, which currently have more than one third seats of the Danish Parliament. The aim of the thesis is to analyze the Danish parties' electoral and other documents and ascertain the alterations in parties' positions towards EU and their Euroscepticism during the EU's crises. The tasks of thesis are: 1) to overview the studies of Euroscepticism and its shifts during the crises as well as to define hard and soft Euroscpeticism; 2) to propose the research design which woulde proper to analyze development of stances on EU and Euroscepticism during the crises; 3) to identify political parties positions on EU and its changes during the years 2011-2019; 4) trace the link between the recent crises and the development of party-based Euroscepticism and its content. The analysis showed that Refugee's crisis and Brexit have an visble yet different impact on parties' stances and Euroscepticism. During the Refugee's crisis parties did not change their stances, however, their stances' argumentation changed with respect to the crisis's themes and its impact is still visible. Meanwhile, Brexit had a strong impact on parties' stances right after the referendum as Eurosceptic parties tightened their stances radically. However, Brexit became a prolonged process and its impact on Euroscepticism decreased noticeably. During the analysis it turned out that the Eurosceptic parties are the only parties which are prone to change their stances, because all pro- European parties kept their pro-European stances during both crises. This could be explained by party's strategical position, because opposition parties are prone to be more Eurosceptic unless they have coalition potential, which could result in becoming pro-European party.

The Party-based Euroscepticism: The Influence of the European Refugee Crisis and Brexit in Denmark SUMMARY Over the past ten years, the European Union (EU) has endured a series of crises with 2015 Europe's refugee crisis and ongoing Brexit being the most prominent ones. In addition to the EU's crises, the EU has faced the rise of Euroscepticism. Scientists overwhelmingly agree that Euroscepticism and EU's crises are related, however, the relation between them are analyzed rarely and insufficiently. Taking this into account, this master thesis examines the link between recent EU's crises and party-based Euroscepticism in Denmark. The case of Denmark is extraordinary because of its rich history in case of Euroscepticism. Denmark is well known for its numerous referendums on EU integration, an exclusive right to opt-outs within EU's policy and the rise of Eurosceptic parties, which currently have more than one third seats of the Danish Parliament. The aim of the thesis is to analyze the Danish parties' electoral and other documents and ascertain the alterations in parties' positions towards EU and their Euroscepticism during the EU's crises. The tasks of thesis are: 1) to overview the studies of Euroscepticism and its shifts during the crises as well as to define hard and soft Euroscpeticism; 2) to propose the research design which woulde proper to analyze development of stances on EU and Euroscepticism during the crises; 3) to identify political parties positions on EU and its changes during the years 2011-2019; 4) trace the link between the recent crises and the development of party-based Euroscepticism and its content. The analysis showed that Refugee's crisis and Brexit have an visble yet different impact on parties' stances and Euroscepticism. During the Refugee's crisis parties did not change their stances, however, their stances' argumentation changed with respect to the crisis's themes and its impact is still visible. Meanwhile, Brexit had a strong impact on parties' stances right after the referendum as Eurosceptic parties tightened their stances radically. However, Brexit became a prolonged process and its impact on Euroscepticism decreased noticeably. During the analysis it turned out that the Eurosceptic parties are the only parties which are prone to change their stances, because all pro- European parties kept their pro-European stances during both crises. This could be explained by party's strategical position, because opposition parties are prone to be more Eurosceptic unless they have coalition potential, which could result in becoming pro-European party.

The Party-based Euroscepticism: The Influence of the European Refugee Crisis and Brexit in Denmark SUMMARY Over the past ten years, the European Union (EU) has endured a series of crises with 2015 Europe's refugee crisis and ongoing Brexit being the most prominent ones. In addition to the EU's crises, the EU has faced the rise of Euroscepticism. Scientists overwhelmingly agree that Euroscepticism and EU's crises are related, however, the relation between them are analyzed rarely and insufficiently. Taking this into account, this master thesis examines the link between recent EU's crises and party-based Euroscepticism in Denmark. The case of Denmark is extraordinary because of its rich history in case of Euroscepticism. Denmark is well known for its numerous referendums on EU integration, an exclusive right to opt-outs within EU's policy and the rise of Eurosceptic parties, which currently have more than one third seats of the Danish Parliament. The aim of the thesis is to analyze the Danish parties' electoral and other documents and ascertain the alterations in parties' positions towards EU and their Euroscepticism during the EU's crises. The tasks of thesis are: 1) to overview the studies of Euroscepticism and its shifts during the crises as well as to define hard and soft Euroscpeticism; 2) to propose the research design which woulde proper to analyze development of stances on EU and Euroscepticism during the crises; 3) to identify political parties positions on EU and its changes during the years 2011-2019; 4) trace the link between the recent crises and the development of party-based Euroscepticism and its content. The analysis showed that Refugee's crisis and Brexit have an visble yet different impact on parties' stances and Euroscepticism. During the Refugee's crisis parties did not change their stances, however, their stances' argumentation changed with respect to the crisis's themes and its impact is still visible. Meanwhile, Brexit had a strong impact on parties' stances right after the referendum as Eurosceptic parties tightened their stances radically. However, Brexit became a prolonged process and its impact on Euroscepticism decreased noticeably. During the analysis it turned out that the Eurosceptic parties are the only parties which are prone to change their stances, because all pro- European parties kept their pro-European stances during both crises. This could be explained by party's strategical position, because opposition parties are prone to be more Eurosceptic unless they have coalition potential, which could result in becoming pro-European party.

The Party-based Euroscepticism: The Influence of the European Refugee Crisis and Brexit in Denmark SUMMARY Over the past ten years, the European Union (EU) has endured a series of crises with 2015 Europe's refugee crisis and ongoing Brexit being the most prominent ones. In addition to the EU's crises, the EU has faced the rise of Euroscepticism. Scientists overwhelmingly agree that Euroscepticism and EU's crises are related, however, the relation between them are analyzed rarely and insufficiently. Taking this into account, this master thesis examines the link between recent EU's crises and party-based Euroscepticism in Denmark. The case of Denmark is extraordinary because of its rich history in case of Euroscepticism. Denmark is well known for its numerous referendums on EU integration, an exclusive right to opt-outs within EU's policy and the rise of Eurosceptic parties, which currently have more than one third seats of the Danish Parliament. The aim of the thesis is to analyze the Danish parties' electoral and other documents and ascertain the alterations in parties' positions towards EU and their Euroscepticism during the EU's crises. The tasks of thesis are: 1) to overview the studies of Euroscepticism and its shifts during the crises as well as to define hard and soft Euroscpeticism; 2) to propose the research design which woulde proper to analyze development of stances on EU and Euroscepticism during the crises; 3) to identify political parties positions on EU and its changes during the years 2011-2019; 4) trace the link between the recent crises and the development of party-based Euroscepticism and its content. The analysis showed that Refugee's crisis and Brexit have an visble yet different impact on parties' stances and Euroscepticism. During the Refugee's crisis parties did not change their stances, however, their stances' argumentation changed with respect to the crisis's themes and its impact is still visible. Meanwhile, Brexit had a strong impact on parties' stances right after the referendum as Eurosceptic parties tightened their stances radically. However, Brexit became a prolonged process and its impact on Euroscepticism decreased noticeably. During the analysis it turned out that the Eurosceptic parties are the only parties which are prone to change their stances, because all pro- European parties kept their pro-European stances during both crises. This could be explained by party's strategical position, because opposition parties are prone to be more Eurosceptic unless they have coalition potential, which could result in becoming pro-European party.

Euroscepticism prevalent in the Member states is also discovered among the candidate countries. Serbia is one of the biggest eurosceptic countries where public support for EU membership has radically dropped over the recent years. Although the process of joining the EU is not called into question by itself, the conditions of membership are not seen as legitimate among majority of citizens. In the light of these facts, the article examines factors, which explain the success of Europeanization. The article indicates that legitimacy of the EU, identification with EU's values and resonance between the normative approach of the EU and the domestic institutional design in candidate country are essential mechanisms of Europeanization. However, these conditions in Serbia are not dominant due to inconsistency of the EU's enlargement policy in Serbia. The changing nature of the EU's enlargement policy and new requirements have contributed to increasing scepticism among the Serbian public about the worthiness of the EU membership. Moreover, the EU's conditions contradict with Serbia's long-term political tradition and institutional practice. In this way, the EU faces with incompatibility of accession conditions and political culture in Serbia. For this reason conditionality is no longer a viable strategy that impacts the attitudes of Serbian society towards the EU. In order to increase the legitimacy of European integration process the EU should embrace and invest more in socialisation measures targeted at the public.

Euroscepticism prevalent in the Member states is also discovered among the candidate countries. Serbia is one of the biggest eurosceptic countries where public support for EU membership has radically dropped over the recent years. Although the process of joining the EU is not called into question by itself, the conditions of membership are not seen as legitimate among majority of citizens. In the light of these facts, the article examines factors, which explain the success of Europeanization. The article indicates that legitimacy of the EU, identification with EU's values and resonance between the normative approach of the EU and the domestic institutional design in candidate country are essential mechanisms of Europeanization. However, these conditions in Serbia are not dominant due to inconsistency of the EU's enlargement policy in Serbia. The changing nature of the EU's enlargement policy and new requirements have contributed to increasing scepticism among the Serbian public about the worthiness of the EU membership. Moreover, the EU's conditions contradict with Serbia's long-term political tradition and institutional practice. In this way, the EU faces with incompatibility of accession conditions and political culture in Serbia. For this reason conditionality is no longer a viable strategy that impacts the attitudes of Serbian society towards the EU. In order to increase the legitimacy of European integration process the EU should embrace and invest more in socialisation measures targeted at the public.

Euroscepticism prevalent in the Member states is also discovered among the candidate countries. Serbia is one of the biggest eurosceptic countries where public support for EU membership has radically dropped over the recent years. Although the process of joining the EU is not called into question by itself, the conditions of membership are not seen as legitimate among majority of citizens. In the light of these facts, the article examines factors, which explain the success of Europeanization. The article indicates that legitimacy of the EU, identification with EU's values and resonance between the normative approach of the EU and the domestic institutional design in candidate country are essential mechanisms of Europeanization. However, these conditions in Serbia are not dominant due to inconsistency of the EU's enlargement policy in Serbia. The changing nature of the EU's enlargement policy and new requirements have contributed to increasing scepticism among the Serbian public about the worthiness of the EU membership. Moreover, the EU's conditions contradict with Serbia's long-term political tradition and institutional practice. In this way, the EU faces with incompatibility of accession conditions and political culture in Serbia. For this reason conditionality is no longer a viable strategy that impacts the attitudes of Serbian society towards the EU. In order to increase the legitimacy of European integration process the EU should embrace and invest more in socialisation measures targeted at the public.

Euroscepticism prevalent in the Member states is also discovered among the candidate countries. Serbia is one of the biggest eurosceptic countries where public support for EU membership has radically dropped over the recent years. Although the process of joining the EU is not called into question by itself, the conditions of membership are not seen as legitimate among majority of citizens. In the light of these facts, the article examines factors, which explain the success of Europeanization. The article indicates that legitimacy of the EU, identification with EU's values and resonance between the normative approach of the EU and the domestic institutional design in candidate country are essential mechanisms of Europeanization. However, these conditions in Serbia are not dominant due to inconsistency of the EU's enlargement policy in Serbia. The changing nature of the EU's enlargement policy and new requirements have contributed to increasing scepticism among the Serbian public about the worthiness of the EU membership. Moreover, the EU's conditions contradict with Serbia's long-term political tradition and institutional practice. In this way, the EU faces with incompatibility of accession conditions and political culture in Serbia. For this reason conditionality is no longer a viable strategy that impacts the attitudes of Serbian society towards the EU. In order to increase the legitimacy of European integration process the EU should embrace and invest more in socialisation measures targeted at the public.

Euroscepticism prevalent in the Member states is also discovered among the candidate countries. Serbia is one of the biggest eurosceptic countries where public support for EU membership has radically dropped over the recent years. Although the process of joining the EU is not called into question by itself, the conditions of membership are not seen as legitimate among majority of citizens. In the light of these facts, the article examines factors, which explain the success of Europeanization. The article indicates that legitimacy of the EU, identification with EU's values and resonance between the normative approach of the EU and the domestic institutional design in candidate country are essential mechanisms of Europeanization. However, these conditions in Serbia are not dominant due to inconsistency of the EU's enlargement policy in Serbia. The changing nature of the EU's enlargement policy and new requirements have contributed to increasing scepticism among the Serbian public about the worthiness of the EU membership. Moreover, the EU's conditions contradict with Serbia's long-term political tradition and institutional practice. In this way, the EU faces with incompatibility of accession conditions and political culture in Serbia. For this reason conditionality is no longer a viable strategy that impacts the attitudes of Serbian society towards the EU. In order to increase the legitimacy of European integration process the EU should embrace and invest more in socialisation measures targeted at the public.

The first eurosceptic ideas were articulated in Lithuania during the European Union accession referendum campaign in 2003, but they were almost inaudible through the chorus of pro-European voices. Different kinds of eurosceptic arguments were expressed, such as a fear of identity loss or critics of the government ―buying votes‖. However, there were just a few political actors expressing these views, and the relevant political parties were absent among this group. This situation was in contrast to the neighboring countries with more serious eurosceptics. Ten years have passed and situation is changing. Eurosceptic ideas still lack popularity in Lithuanian political parties and among non-partisan actors, but some initiatives of eurosceptic movements receive popular support. Who represents the eurosceptics in Lithuania? Which of their arguments are increasingly cogent, if any? Why are these ideas popular or unpopular in Lithuania? To answer these questions, deeper analysis of the situation and reasons for euroscepticism in Lithuania is needed. With the above-mentioned questions in mind, the article concentrates on the euroscepticism debates in Lithuania among different groups and actors of society—e.g. political actors, and public and social movements – by discussing the main ideas of Lithuanian eurosceptics, and the reasons for their (un-)popularity. The article classifies Lithuanian euroscepticism both in terms of ideas and actors. Media monitoring, interviews with particular actors, public opinion and electoral data are the main research sources used for analysis. The article reveals that throughout the entire decade of Lithuania's membership in EU the Lithuanian eurosceptics remained on the margins of politics; but, nevertheless, they have the potential to grow in number of supporters.