Suchergebnisse

Due to amalgamation of Polish and EU systems, the shape of many public policies in the country is the consequence of decisions taken within the EU – but what is more important – with participation of Poles. Complexity of the challenges ahead demands making decisions that the society shall feel are acceptable, or even proceeded with their co-authorship. Relevantly high degree of cooperation, co-decision making and shared responsibility – between executive and legislative power and non-public entities, within political decision making, is important in order to get as properly stable as possible standpoint of Poland, and for efficient implementation. Because of that, the aim of this analysis is the search for the answer to the question whether within challenges that await the EU, we may find those, that will lay especially in the field of interest of Polish non-public entities. In addition – is it justified (and to what extend) to include in such cases those entities into processes of working out standpoints of Polish officials. With such a research objective a thesis is being advanced, that in Poland awareness of EU functioning mechanisms, but also the level of inclusion of non-public entities into political decision making, is little and in face of challenges awaiting the union it is necessary to raise it.

Due to amalgamation of Polish and EU systems, the shape of many public policies in the country is the consequence of decisions taken within the EU – but what is more important – with participation of Poles. Complexity of the challenges ahead demands making decisions that the society shall feel are acceptable, or even proceeded with their co-authorship. Relevantly high degree of cooperation, co-decision making and shared responsibility – between executive and legislative power and non-public entities, within political decision making, is important in order to get as properly stable as possible standpoint of Poland, and for efficient implementation. Because of that, the aim of this analysis is the search for the answer to the question whether within challenges that await the EU, we may find those, that will lay especially in the field of interest of Polish non-public entities. In addition – is it justified (and to what extend) to include in such cases those entities into processes of working out standpoints of Polish officials. With such a research objective a thesis is being advanced, that in Poland awareness of EU functioning mechanisms, but also the level of inclusion of non-public entities into political decision making, is little and in face of challenges awaiting the union it is necessary to raise it.

Switzerland is an example of a state that has adopted specific solutions as regards the election and execution of executive power, which has generated the common conviction that the Swiss Confederation is among the most solid democracies in the world. Recent years have shown, however, that political practice has brought about a significant evolution of Swiss solutions as the distribution of power in the parliament has resulted in the abolition of the 'magical formula' that guaranteed the great (and stable) government coalition, and the emergence of initiatives aiming at changing the principles along which executive power is elected in Switzerland. The purpose of considerations presented in this paper is to analyze the specific character of how the executive institutions function in the Swiss Confederation, answer the question of what directions the changes to the composition of the Federal Council are taking, as well as address the directions of evolutionary changes to the principles of electing the members of the Swiss government. ; Switzerland is an example of a state that has adopted specific solutions as regards the election and execution of executive power, which has generated the common conviction that the Swiss Confederation is among the most solid democracies in the world. Recent years have shown, however, that political practice has brought about a significant evolution of Swiss solutions as the distribution of power in the parliament has resulted in the abolition of the 'magical formula' that guaranteed the great (and stable) government coalition, and the emergence of initiatives aiming at changing the principles along which executive power is elected in Switzerland. The purpose of considerations presented in this paper is to analyze the specific character of how the executive institutions function in the Swiss Confederation, answer the question of what directions the changes to the composition of the Federal Council are taking, as well as address the directions of evolutionary changes to the principles of electing the members of the Swiss government.

Switzerland is an example of a state that has adopted specific solutions as regards the election and execution of executive power, which has generated the common conviction that the Swiss Confederation is among the most solid democracies in the world. Recent years have shown, however, that political practice has brought about a significant evolution of Swiss solutions as the distribution of power in the parliament has resulted in the abolition of the 'magical formula' that guaranteed the great (and stable) government coalition, and the emergence of initiatives aiming at changing the principles along which executive power is elected in Switzerland. The purpose of considerations presented in this paper is to analyze the specific character of how the executive institutions function in the Swiss Confederation, answer the question of what directions the changes to the composition of the Federal Council are taking, as well as address the directions of evolutionary changes to the principles of electing the members of the Swiss government.

W artykule ukazane zostało zagadnienie stabilności funkcjonowania kolegialnego członu władzy wykonawczej – rządu. Stabilność władzy wykonawczej, obok partycypacji obywatelskiej w wyborach oraz utrzymania porządku politycznego, jest jednym z elementów szerszego pojęcia, jakim jest stabilność polityczna państwa. Doświadczenia historyczne (zwłaszcza Francji III i IV Republiki oraz Włoch) ukazują, jak ważnym zagadnieniem jest możliwość stabilnego i efektywnego działania rządu. Odnosząc tytułowe zagadnienie do polskiego modelu ustrojowego, autor dokonuje analizy norm konstytucyjnych determinujących zasady powoływania Rady Ministrów oraz możliwości jej odwołania. ; The article deals with the stability of the functioning of a collegial body of the executive power – the government. The stability of the executive power, together with citizens' participation in the elections and maintenance of political order, is one of the elements of a broader concept of a state's political stability. Historical experiences (especially those of the French Third and the Fourth Republic and Italy) demonstrate the importance of stable and effective functioning of a government. Relating the issue in question to the Polish model of government, the author analyses constitutional norms laying down the principles of appointing the Council of Ministers and the possibilities of its dismissal.

The purpose of the article is to analyse the role of the public prosecutor's office as an institution that is specifically embedded in between certain elements of the political system, particularly between the executive and judiciary powers. For this reason, the public prosecutor's office can be regarded, together with courts, as an institution that aims to be actively involved in administering justice and an instrument of the executive power to guarantee internal security and to execute internal functions of the state. The public prosecutor's office, given its specific operation area, is expected to prosecute crimes effectively as well as safeguard the rule of law, which may be threatened by the infringing actions of not only individuals and criminal groups but also of officials and state institutions. Hence, with respect to the accountability of the public prosecutor's office, it should be more independent of the executive power which is subject to political rules. It appears, however, that separating it officially from the executive power does not have to lead automatically to the public prosecutor's office independence of political influence when other direct (the Prime Minister's and the Minister of Justice's authority over the Attorney General) and indirect mechanisms of prosecutors' political dependency (clientelism, politicisation and political bonds of prosecutors with politicians) exist.

The text presents the view that the vertical division within the executive power, determined by the principle of decentralisation, is legally instrumental in the face of the fundamental horizontal division of power (resulting from the principle of power sharing) and is not independent and separate from the principle of power sharing. It is worth defining the place of local self-government from the perspective of the division of the executive power, and in reference to the principle of power sharing, because of the importance that these arrangements may have for the concept of multi-level governance in the European Union. The system of the bodies and institutions of the European Union is not based on the principle of the separation of powers, but on institutional division and the vertical and horizontal opening of the legal systems of the Member States to the European legal order. At the same time, the above-mentioned multi-level governance is visible in the creation and implementation of European law. The principle of the separation of powers is, however, properly embedded in this multi-level governance at the level of national law, and within this local self-government is located accordingly. ; W tekście prezentowany jest pogląd, że podział pionowy w obrębie samej władzy wykonawczej –determinowany zasadą decentralizacji – jest instrumentalny prawnie wobec zasadniczego podziału władzy poziomego i nie jest to podział niezależny, separowany od zasady podziału władzy. Warto określić miejsce samorządu terytorialnego z perspektywy podziału władzy wykonawczej i w nawiązaniu do zasady podziału władzy z uwagi na znaczenie, jakie mogą mieć te ustalenia dla koncepcji wielopoziomowego rządzenia w Unii Europejskiej. Ustrój organów i instytucji Unii Europejskiej nie opiera się na zasadzie podziału władzy, lecz na podziale instytucjonalnym, a także pionowym i poziomym otwarciu się porządków prawnych państw członkowskich na porządek prawa europejskiego. Jednocześnie w zakresie tworzenia i wykonywania prawa europejskiego jest widoczne wyżej wspomniane wielopoziomowe rządzenie. W tym wielopoziomowym rządzeniu na wysokości prawa krajowego jest jednak odpowiednio wpisana zasada podziału władzy, a w niej odpowiednio jest usytuowany samorząd terytorialny.

The elections to the National Duma (Parliament) in 2007 did not change the system of political forces. The composition of the parliament remained practically the same as before the elections. Yet the results were relatively significant as evidence that the political system is stable: the composition of political forces remained unchanged. The significance of the Duma elected in the course of December 2007 elections is likely to weaken. The Parliament has become even less independent and more subordinate to the executive power. One can venture to say that the Russian Duma is more and more like the USSR Main Board before 1989. ; The elections to the National Duma (Parliament) in 2007 did not change the system of political forces. The composition of the parliament remained practically the same as before the elections. Yet the results were relatively significant as evidence that the political system is stable: the composition of political forces remained unchanged. The significance of the Duma elected in the course of December 2007 elections is likely to weaken. The Parliament has become even less independent and more subordinate to the executive power. One can venture to say that the Russian Duma is more and more like the USSR Main Board before 1989.

Over the period of its independence, Ukraine has gone through several stages of modernization of its electoral system, moving from system of absolute and mixed majority to proportional representation. What can this signify? Either the democratic principles of the national political system are strengthening and political institutions fully function in society, or a system of state authorities has actually transformed into the rule of oligarchic parties which control the activities of the government via parliament and are sufficiently independent from the President. By virtue of the constitutional reform from late 2004, Ukraine has transformed into a parliamentary-presidential republic, where the parliament is the core of control over executive power. Therefore, it is quite significant which parties win the elections. ; Over the period of its independence, Ukraine has gone through several stages of modernization of its electoral system, moving from system of absolute and mixed majority to proportional representation. What can this signify? Either the democratic principles of the national political system are strengthening and political institutions fully function in society, or a system of state authorities has actually transformed into the rule of oligarchic parties which control the activities of the government via parliament and are sufficiently independent from the President. By virtue of the constitutional reform from late 2004, Ukraine has transformed into a parliamentary-presidential republic, where the parliament is the core of control over executive power. Therefore, it is quite significant which parties win the elections.

The Council of National Defence, established on 1 July 1920, was to be a temporary governmental body having full legislative and executive power in all matters relating to the conduct and ending of the war, and also with the conclusion of peace with Bolshevik Russia. As regards the above matters, the Council of National Defence was to issue orders and regulations, which were immediately enforceable. Despite acquiring very broad powers, both legislative and executive, none of its regulations went beyond its competence scope. The Council of National Defence regulations had to be approved by the Legislative Sejm in order to be valid. During the three months' period of its functioning, the Council of National Defense issued over 90 different legal acts aiming at strengthening of defense of the Polish State that was threatened with a loss of its independence. The Council of National Defense played a major role in holding back the Bolshevik invasion of Poland. It contributed to formation of a large army, and made the nation regain its faith in successful end of the military conflict with Soviet Russia. ; Utworzona w dniu 1 lipca 1920 r. Rada Obrony Państwa miała być organem tymczasowym, dysponującym pełnią władzy ustawodawczej i wykonawczej we wszystkich sprawach związanych z prowadzeniem i zakończeniem wojny oraz z zawarciem pokoju z bolszewicką Rosją. Rada Obrony Państwa miała wydawać w tych kwestiach zarządzenia i rozporządzenia podlegające rygorowi natychmiastowej wykonalności. Pomimo uzyskania znacznego zakresu uprawnień, zarówno w zakresie władzy prawodawczej, jak i wykonawczej, żadne z jej rozporządzeń nie wykraczało poza granice jej kompetencji. Rozporządzenia Rady Obrony Państwa dla uzyskania ważności wymagały zatwierdzenia przez Sejm Ustawodawczy. W okresie trzech miesięcy swojego funkcjonowania Rada Obrony Państwa wydała ponad 90 różnych aktów prawnych, służących wzmocnieniu obronności państwa polskiego narażonego na utratę niepodległości. Rada Obrony Państwa odegrała ogromną rolę w powstrzymaniu bolszewickiego najazdu na Polskę. Dzięki niej powstała liczna armia, a naród odzyskał wiarę w zwycięskie zakończenie konfliktu zbrojnego z sowiecką Rosją.

In De Gaulle's thought, the nation and the state are inextricably linked, and while exercising power as President of the Fifth Republic, he almost obsessively strived for national unity. He fully accepted the Republican system of France and recognized revolutions as an indelible element of the national heritage. De Gaulle was convinced of the country's potential to influence the fate of the world, to firmly defend its national interests, but also to be an advocate of universal values. The essential element of the new system for France proposed by De Gaulle in 1946 was the strengthening of the executive power and the key political position of the president of the Republic. The 1958 Constitution introduced a significant change regarding the election of the president by the electoral college, and de Gaulle's concept of general election of the president was soon implemented.

The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela. ; The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela.