Due to amalgamation of Polish and EU systems, the shape of many public policies in the country is the consequence of decisions taken within the EU – but what is more important – with participation of Poles. Complexity of the challenges ahead demands making decisions that the society shall feel are acceptable, or even proceeded with their co-authorship. Relevantly high degree of cooperation, co-decision making and shared responsibility – between executive and legislative power and non-public entities, within political decision making, is important in order to get as properly stable as possible standpoint of Poland, and for efficient implementation. Because of that, the aim of this analysis is the search for the answer to the question whether within challenges that await the EU, we may find those, that will lay especially in the field of interest of Polish non-public entities. In addition – is it justified (and to what extend) to include in such cases those entities into processes of working out standpoints of Polish officials. With such a research objective a thesis is being advanced, that in Poland awareness of EU functioning mechanisms, but also the level of inclusion of non-public entities into political decision making, is little and in face of challenges awaiting the union it is necessary to raise it.
Due to amalgamation of Polish and EU systems, the shape of many public policies in the country is the consequence of decisions taken within the EU – but what is more important – with participation of Poles. Complexity of the challenges ahead demands making decisions that the society shall feel are acceptable, or even proceeded with their co-authorship. Relevantly high degree of cooperation, co-decision making and shared responsibility – between executive and legislative power and non-public entities, within political decision making, is important in order to get as properly stable as possible standpoint of Poland, and for efficient implementation. Because of that, the aim of this analysis is the search for the answer to the question whether within challenges that await the EU, we may find those, that will lay especially in the field of interest of Polish non-public entities. In addition – is it justified (and to what extend) to include in such cases those entities into processes of working out standpoints of Polish officials. With such a research objective a thesis is being advanced, that in Poland awareness of EU functioning mechanisms, but also the level of inclusion of non-public entities into political decision making, is little and in face of challenges awaiting the union it is necessary to raise it.
Switzerland is an example of a state that has adopted specific solutions as regards the election and execution of executive power, which has generated the common conviction that the Swiss Confederation is among the most solid democracies in the world. Recent years have shown, however, that political practice has brought about a significant evolution of Swiss solutions as the distribution of power in the parliament has resulted in the abolition of the 'magical formula' that guaranteed the great (and stable) government coalition, and the emergence of initiatives aiming at changing the principles along which executive power is elected in Switzerland. The purpose of considerations presented in this paper is to analyze the specific character of how the executive institutions function in the Swiss Confederation, answer the question of what directions the changes to the composition of the Federal Council are taking, as well as address the directions of evolutionary changes to the principles of electing the members of the Swiss government. ; Switzerland is an example of a state that has adopted specific solutions as regards the election and execution of executive power, which has generated the common conviction that the Swiss Confederation is among the most solid democracies in the world. Recent years have shown, however, that political practice has brought about a significant evolution of Swiss solutions as the distribution of power in the parliament has resulted in the abolition of the 'magical formula' that guaranteed the great (and stable) government coalition, and the emergence of initiatives aiming at changing the principles along which executive power is elected in Switzerland. The purpose of considerations presented in this paper is to analyze the specific character of how the executive institutions function in the Swiss Confederation, answer the question of what directions the changes to the composition of the Federal Council are taking, as well as address the directions of evolutionary changes to the principles of electing the members of the Swiss government.
Switzerland is an example of a state that has adopted specific solutions as regards the election and execution of executive power, which has generated the common conviction that the Swiss Confederation is among the most solid democracies in the world. Recent years have shown, however, that political practice has brought about a significant evolution of Swiss solutions as the distribution of power in the parliament has resulted in the abolition of the 'magical formula' that guaranteed the great (and stable) government coalition, and the emergence of initiatives aiming at changing the principles along which executive power is elected in Switzerland. The purpose of considerations presented in this paper is to analyze the specific character of how the executive institutions function in the Swiss Confederation, answer the question of what directions the changes to the composition of the Federal Council are taking, as well as address the directions of evolutionary changes to the principles of electing the members of the Swiss government.
W artykule ukazane zostało zagadnienie stabilności funkcjonowania kolegialnego członu władzy wykonawczej – rządu. Stabilność władzy wykonawczej, obok partycypacji obywatelskiej w wyborach oraz utrzymania porządku politycznego, jest jednym z elementów szerszego pojęcia, jakim jest stabilność polityczna państwa. Doświadczenia historyczne (zwłaszcza Francji III i IV Republiki oraz Włoch) ukazują, jak ważnym zagadnieniem jest możliwość stabilnego i efektywnego działania rządu. Odnosząc tytułowe zagadnienie do polskiego modelu ustrojowego, autor dokonuje analizy norm konstytucyjnych determinujących zasady powoływania Rady Ministrów oraz możliwości jej odwołania. ; The article deals with the stability of the functioning of a collegial body of the executive power – the government. The stability of the executive power, together with citizens' participation in the elections and maintenance of political order, is one of the elements of a broader concept of a state's political stability. Historical experiences (especially those of the French Third and the Fourth Republic and Italy) demonstrate the importance of stable and effective functioning of a government. Relating the issue in question to the Polish model of government, the author analyses constitutional norms laying down the principles of appointing the Council of Ministers and the possibilities of its dismissal.
The text presents the view that the vertical division within the executive power, determined by the principle of decentralisation, is legally instrumental in the face of the fundamental horizontal division of power (resulting from the principle of power sharing) and is not independent and separate from the principle of power sharing. It is worth defining the place of local self-government from the perspective of the division of the executive power, and in reference to the principle of power sharing, because of the importance that these arrangements may have for the concept of multi-level governance in the European Union. The system of the bodies and institutions of the European Union is not based on the principle of the separation of powers, but on institutional division and the vertical and horizontal opening of the legal systems of the Member States to the European legal order. At the same time, the above-mentioned multi-level governance is visible in the creation and implementation of European law. The principle of the separation of powers is, however, properly embedded in this multi-level governance at the level of national law, and within this local self-government is located accordingly. ; W tekście prezentowany jest pogląd, że podział pionowy w obrębie samej władzy wykonawczej –determinowany zasadą decentralizacji – jest instrumentalny prawnie wobec zasadniczego podziału władzy poziomego i nie jest to podział niezależny, separowany od zasady podziału władzy. Warto określić miejsce samorządu terytorialnego z perspektywy podziału władzy wykonawczej i w nawiązaniu do zasady podziału władzy z uwagi na znaczenie, jakie mogą mieć te ustalenia dla koncepcji wielopoziomowego rządzenia w Unii Europejskiej. Ustrój organów i instytucji Unii Europejskiej nie opiera się na zasadzie podziału władzy, lecz na podziale instytucjonalnym, a także pionowym i poziomym otwarciu się porządków prawnych państw członkowskich na porządek prawa europejskiego. Jednocześnie w zakresie tworzenia i wykonywania prawa europejskiego jest widoczne wyżej wspomniane wielopoziomowe rządzenie. W tym wielopoziomowym rządzeniu na wysokości prawa krajowego jest jednak odpowiednio wpisana zasada podziału władzy, a w niej odpowiednio jest usytuowany samorząd terytorialny.
The elections to the National Duma (Parliament) in 2007 did not change the system of political forces. The composition of the parliament remained practically the same as before the elections. Yet the results were relatively significant as evidence that the political system is stable: the composition of political forces remained unchanged. The significance of the Duma elected in the course of December 2007 elections is likely to weaken. The Parliament has become even less independent and more subordinate to the executive power. One can venture to say that the Russian Duma is more and more like the USSR Main Board before 1989. ; The elections to the National Duma (Parliament) in 2007 did not change the system of political forces. The composition of the parliament remained practically the same as before the elections. Yet the results were relatively significant as evidence that the political system is stable: the composition of political forces remained unchanged. The significance of the Duma elected in the course of December 2007 elections is likely to weaken. The Parliament has become even less independent and more subordinate to the executive power. One can venture to say that the Russian Duma is more and more like the USSR Main Board before 1989.
Over the period of its independence, Ukraine has gone through several stages of modernization of its electoral system, moving from system of absolute and mixed majority to proportional representation. What can this signify? Either the democratic principles of the national political system are strengthening and political institutions fully function in society, or a system of state authorities has actually transformed into the rule of oligarchic parties which control the activities of the government via parliament and are sufficiently independent from the President. By virtue of the constitutional reform from late 2004, Ukraine has transformed into a parliamentary-presidential republic, where the parliament is the core of control over executive power. Therefore, it is quite significant which parties win the elections. ; Over the period of its independence, Ukraine has gone through several stages of modernization of its electoral system, moving from system of absolute and mixed majority to proportional representation. What can this signify? Either the democratic principles of the national political system are strengthening and political institutions fully function in society, or a system of state authorities has actually transformed into the rule of oligarchic parties which control the activities of the government via parliament and are sufficiently independent from the President. By virtue of the constitutional reform from late 2004, Ukraine has transformed into a parliamentary-presidential republic, where the parliament is the core of control over executive power. Therefore, it is quite significant which parties win the elections.
The Council of National Defence, established on 1 July 1920, was to be a temporary governmental body having full legislative and executive power in all matters relating to the conduct and ending of the war, and also with the conclusion of peace with Bolshevik Russia. As regards the above matters, the Council of National Defence was to issue orders and regulations, which were immediately enforceable. Despite acquiring very broad powers, both legislative and executive, none of its regulations went beyond its competence scope. The Council of National Defence regulations had to be approved by the Legislative Sejm in order to be valid. During the three months' period of its functioning, the Council of National Defense issued over 90 different legal acts aiming at strengthening of defense of the Polish State that was threatened with a loss of its independence. The Council of National Defense played a major role in holding back the Bolshevik invasion of Poland. It contributed to formation of a large army, and made the nation regain its faith in successful end of the military conflict with Soviet Russia. ; Utworzona w dniu 1 lipca 1920 r. Rada Obrony Państwa miała być organem tymczasowym, dysponującym pełnią władzy ustawodawczej i wykonawczej we wszystkich sprawach związanych z prowadzeniem i zakończeniem wojny oraz z zawarciem pokoju z bolszewicką Rosją. Rada Obrony Państwa miała wydawać w tych kwestiach zarządzenia i rozporządzenia podlegające rygorowi natychmiastowej wykonalności. Pomimo uzyskania znacznego zakresu uprawnień, zarówno w zakresie władzy prawodawczej, jak i wykonawczej, żadne z jej rozporządzeń nie wykraczało poza granice jej kompetencji. Rozporządzenia Rady Obrony Państwa dla uzyskania ważności wymagały zatwierdzenia przez Sejm Ustawodawczy. W okresie trzech miesięcy swojego funkcjonowania Rada Obrony Państwa wydała ponad 90 różnych aktów prawnych, służących wzmocnieniu obronności państwa polskiego narażonego na utratę niepodległości. Rada Obrony Państwa odegrała ogromną rolę w powstrzymaniu bolszewickiego najazdu na Polskę. Dzięki niej powstała liczna armia, a naród odzyskał wiarę w zwycięskie zakończenie konfliktu zbrojnego z sowiecką Rosją.
The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela. ; The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela.
Analyzing the relationship between the legislative and executive power helps to understand that the modern democratic political regimes are usually described on the basis of three typical models: parliamentary, presidential and semipresidential. They are more or less differentiated internally, which naturally makes it difficult to conduct research. This is the effect of competition on the political institutions, which takes place between the political actors, seeking to create the most rational, from their perspective, institutional structure. As the result, these types of activeness are beginning to blur the boundaries between classical models of political regimes, and creates institutional arrangements eclectic, built on the basis of specific solutions for different models of democratic political regimes. Additionally we shouldn't remain indifferent to the changes in the sphere of noninstitutional determinants of the functioning of the various political regimes. The procedure of identifying general trends in the processes of governance in the modern world becomes possible to notify similarities in the functioning of the executive in the various models of democratic political regimes. The trend in strengthening the executive bodies, especially the bodies with single actors is against the traditional models of democratic political regimes. This also determines the subsequent changes, and one of the most important is the growing centralization of decision-making processes, coordinated and controlled by the chief executive.
The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela.
Artykuł obejmuje charakterystykę podstawowych zasad związanych ze zorganizowaniem podmiotów władzy wykonawczej i ich zadań w szczególnej, nowej sferze ustawowo określonej jako "prowadzenie polityki rozwoju". Podkreśla się przede wszystkim normatywny sposób ujęcia tej powinności publicznej jako "zespołu wzajemnie powiązanych działań podejmowanych i realizowanych w celu zapewnienia trwałego i zrównoważonego rozwoju kraju, spójności społeczno-gospodarczej, regionalnej i przestrzennej, podnoszenia konkurencyjności gospodarki oraz tworzenia nowych miejsc pracy w skali krajowej, regionalnej lub lokalnej", przy jednoczesnym szerokim zakreśleniu podmiotów prowadzenia tej polityki. Istotne jest, że fundamentem kształtowania prawnych relacji pomiędzy podmiotami prowadzenia polityki rozwoju: Radą Ministrów, samorządem województwa oraz samorządem powiatowym i gminnym, są konstytucyjne podstawy ustroju terytorialnego państwa. W opracowaniu podkreśla się, że konstytucyjna zasada decentralizacji władzy publicznej wyznacza organizację prowadzenia polityki rozwoju, i to zarówno od strony podmiotowej (organizacja struktury), jak i proceduralnej, w tym prawnych form współdziałania (organizacja działania). Sposób prowadzenia polityki rozwoju – jako ustawowo określonej powinności władzy publicznej ‒ na zasadach określonych w ustawie o zasadach prowadzenia polityki rozwoju, oparty na wzajemnie powiązanych działaniach określony został jako "publicznoprawne działania powiązane". Działania te tworzą sieć powiązań i współzależności pomiędzy organami władzy wykonawczej, wyznaczonych celem publicznym prowadzenia polityki rozwoju oraz założeniami ustrojowymi sprawowania władzy w państwie. ; This article provides a characteristic of the basic principles underlying organisation of executive power bodies. Their tasks performed in a new sphere of public life defined as 'conducting a development policy' have been discussed. What has been emphasised is the normative approach to this public duty seen as a set of interconnected actions undertaken and implemented with a view of ensuring a stable and sustainable development of the country, social-economic spatial cohesion at the regional level, enhanced competitiveness of the economy and creation of new jobs at a local and regional level as well as nation-wide. Of essential importance for shaping legal relations between organs of public authority, i.e. the Council of Ministers, self-governing regional authorities and local authorities are the constitutional foundations of the territorial regime of the state. What is also emphasised is that the constitutional principle of decentralised public power determines the manner in which development policy is being organised both in terms of its structure and procedural issues. Implementation of the development policy defined in statute as executing a public duty is based on the principles specified in the Act on the Principles of Conducting Development Policy. They constitute a network of mutual relationships among individual bodies holding executive power called 'interconnected public duties' that are determined by a public goal (development policy) and the political regime adopted for the enforcement of authority in a state.
The Paper Presents political position of the Russian Federation State Duma and its internal Structure. The power and principles of operation of the Lower House of the Russian Parliament internal bodies are discussed, Particular attention is paid to political groups represented in the Duma. The fractions and groups of deputies have a profound influence on the parliament operations, They affect the mode of operation of the House and its results. The conflict or convergence of interests causes individual groups of deputies to enter into alliances. These alliances, however, are not permanent in character and result from tactical movements. The Lower House of the Russian Federation plays a significant role in the system of State offices. Nevertheless, the state political system is constructed so that the actual authority lies in the hands of the President of the Russian Federation. Strong political Position of the head of the state results both from the stipulations in the constitution and also from a certain distribution of political power in the country. The system lacks a Strong Political group that would be able to oppose the president. Therefore central administration is beyond the control of parliament. In Russia there is no practical dependence of the government on the parliament. The Duma has little influence over the executive power.
The article presents the Constitution of the Fifth French Republic from 1958 by showing fundamental principles of political system, the most important institution and the most essential amendments to the Constitution. According to the intention of its authors, the Constitution enhanced the position of the President of the Republic, whereas the role of the Parliament was less important. New political solution is the Constitutional Council, which is sui generis constitutional court. Amendments to the Constitution (particularly the reform from 2008) restricted the role of executive power, strengthened the political position of the Parliament and allowed France to integrate with the European Communities. ; Artykuł przedstawia Konstytucję V Republiki Francji z 1958 r. przez ukazanie podstawowych zasad ustroju państwa, najważniejszych instytucji państwowych i omówienie najistotniejszych zmian tej Konstytucji. Zgodnie z zamysłem twórców Konstytucja V Republiki wzmocniła pozycję prezydenta, natomiast osłabieniu uległa rola parlamentu. Nowym rozwiązaniem ustrojowym było stworzenie Rady Konstytucyjnej – instytucji pełniącej funkcję sui generis sądu konstytucyjnego. Nowelizacje Konstytucji (zwłaszcza ta z 2008 r.) przyczyniły się do ograniczenia roli władzy wykonawczej, dowartościowały rolę parlamentu oraz pozwoliły na integrację Francji ze Wspólnotami Europejskimi.
