Blockchain: (r)evolutie?00Zal deze revolutionaire technologie de gevestigde juridische orde op haar grondvesten doen daveren of is het huidige rechtssysteem voldoende robuust om met deze evolutie om te gaan?0Blockchain is een revolutionaire technologie waar heel wat potentieel aan toegeschreven wordt. Het zou de rol van vertrouwde tussenpartijen zoals banken, notarissen of de gemeentelijke diensten van de burgerlijke stand doen verdwijnen of op zijn minst leiden tot een herdefiniëring van hun werking en taken. Ongetwijfeld zal deze technologie ook een grote impact hebben op de juridische sector. Er is dan ook dringend nood aan advocaten, bedrijfsjuristen, gerechtsdeurwaarders, academici, beleidsmakers en rechters die hierover expertise opbouwen.0 0Er zijn echter nog heel wat fundamentele technische en juridische vragen die vooralsnog onduidelijk of onbeantwoord zijn. Denk op juridisch vlak bijvoorbeeld aan de impact van de algemene verordening gegevensbescherming, de rechtsgevolgen en aansprakelijkheid bij een smart contract of het toepasselijke rechtssysteem bij internationale transacties. Het is daarnaast ook cruciaal om voor ogen te houden dat interactie tussen de technologie en juridische vraagstukken cruciaal is, bijvoorbeeld op het vlak van privacy. Blockchaintechnologie komt niet in een juridisch vacuüm terecht. Het functioneert binnen het bestaande wetgevende kader, waarbij de huidige stand van wetgeving en rechtspraak evenwel moeite heeft om de snelle technologische evoluties bij te benen.0 0Jurgen Goossens is postdoctoraal onderzoeker van het FWO bij de Universiteit Gent, universitair docent staatsrecht aan de Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam en extern docent bij het Opleidingsinstituut voor de Federale Overheid.0Kristof Verslype is Doctor in de ingenieurswetenschappen, onderzoeker, adviseur en spreker bij Smals, ICT-dienstverlener voor overheidsinstellingen.0
This new study of the genesis of the Indonesian national state is based on the notion that the birth of that nation grew out of not only the liberation movement but also from the Dutch rule that the nationalists agitated against. The book places a clear emphasis on the ways in which Dutch rule was established in the Indonesian archipelago in the course of three centuries and examines the developments of Dutch colonial policies. This feeds into chapters that focus on the Indonesian nationalist movement and the Japanese occupation of the colony in 1942-1945.The occupation helped to enable the proclamation of Indonesian indepence and the creation of the Republic in August 1945. The conflict that erupted between the Repub-lic and the Netherlands was brought to an incomplete 'solution' in 1949, but the dis-pute about West-Irian led to a sequel that lasted for another thirteen years. More than half of this book is dedicated to the conflict and its aftermath. Much attention is paid to the sentiments and ideas that informed Dutch policy. Various issues that have received scant attention in the historiography are now dis-cussed. The author based his study on Dutch and international literature, contemporary newspapers and policy documents, and his own memories. In the book's title, the stork represents the Dutch and the garuda functions as a symbol of Indonesia. J. Herman Burgers (1926) worked at the Dutch Department of Foreign Affairs. He studied Law in Amsterdam and Political Science at Stanford University. He was deeply interested in the conflict between the Netherlands and the Republic of Indone-sia, as it broke out in 1945. This fascination has never left him, and he has continued to study the conflict and its aftermath, especially during the years 1948-1950 when he was in Indonesia for his Dutch military service
This dissertation reports on the research into Surinamese constitutional law during the military administration between 1980 and 1987. During this period of martial law there was neither an elected parliament nor any other form of authority with parliamentary legitimacy in Suriname. The research into the military administration is predominantly normative research into the formal constitutional arrangement of the Surinamese state during the 1980-1987 era. During the military period, historically developed principles and requirements of the rule of law and democracy were discarded either completely or in part, with some being completely absent and others remaining intact. This turnaround also brought about a fundamental change in the administrative structure and laws of Suriname. In addition, new legal institutions were added to the judicial system.During this period, the then ruling political powers argued that Suriname remained a constitutional democracy and that martial law was only a necessity under the circumstances. To assess to what extent there was democratic rule as well as the justification of the use of martial law, a study was conducted into the theoretics of constitutional democracy and martial law. States often are described as constitutional democracies; however, around the world there are differences as regards to what extent. To measure the degree of democracy, it is tested against internationally recognized frameworks enshrined in international conventions, treaties and doctrines. Theories on the subject of the constitutional democracy and martial law have been developed and fine-tuned over the years. In this research, such theories were applied in order to answer the main question as well as the key questions:How was the setup of the Trias Politica during the 1980 – 1987 military administration?Based on the main question key questions were formulated, namely: 1.How were the three powers arranged?2.What authorities were bestowed upon them?3.How did the three powers relate to each other?4.To what ...
Voor een behoorlijk aantal journalisten geldt dat zij de voorbije jaren en op verschillende manieren zijn geconfronteerd met gewelddadig of agressief gedrag jegens hun beroepsgroep. Dat is problematisch, want in een democratische rechtsstaat is vrije nieuwsgaring van cruciaal belang en dienen journalisten hun werk in vrijheid en in veiligheid te kunnen doen. Dat dreigt in het geding te komen als journalisten om zich heen een toegenomen dreiging van geweld tegen de journalistiek ervaren. Om die reden krijgt geweld tegen journalisten al langere tijd nationale en internationale aandacht van diverse organisaties. In de Tweede Kamer is door toenmalig minister van Justitie en Veiligheid Grapperhaus een onderzoek toegezegd naar de mate waarin de "positie van journalisten [...] kwetsbaarder is geworden." Het onderhavige onderzoek betreft dit toegezegde onderzoek, uitgevoerd in opdracht van het WODC. Onderzocht zijn drie hoofdvragen. Wat is de aard en omvang van ervaren en waargenomen geweld tegen journalisten in Nederland en in hoeverre is dit over de afgelopen 10 jaar veranderd? Welke daders en slachtoffers kunnen er ten aanzien van de verschillende vormen van geweld tegen journalisten worden onderscheiden? En welke beleidsinterventies zouden effectief kunnen zijn in het terugdringen van of het optreden tegen geweld tegen journalisten en in hoeverre kan het zinvol zijn om in dit kader het taakstrafverbod uit te breiden? In dit onderzoek zijn verschillende onderzoeksmethoden gecombineerd, om een adequaat beeld te kunnen schetsen van de aard en omvang van het probleem. Het rapport wordt afgesloten met de bespreking van mogelijke beleidsinterventies en een vijftal concrete aanbevelingen
This book deals with community-building as it manifested itself in early modern 's-Hertogenbosch. Citizenship and autonomous collective organisations were phenomena that were present in all West-European cities. Mostly men organised themselves in among others civic militias, craft-guilds and the reformed congregation: corporations that may be considered the most important institutions of the middling sort. The members of the corporate institutions rendered their services to a great extent to the master-corporation, their domicile. On the basis of the situation in 's-Hertogenbosch the following questions will be answered: 1. how was civil society formed in Dutch cities in the seventeenth and eighteenth century; 2. in what way did the corporate institutions contribute to the local community-building; 3. how did these social connections develop in time. Craft-guilds, civic militias and the church created a bond between the people. By their regulations members of these corporations took up a juridically clearly defined position towards the inhabitants who did not belong, and especially towards foreigners. In the corporations individual freedom was not sought as its highest goal, but the welfare of the collective. The corporations offered their members dignity, social acceptance, participation, sociability and protection in times of distress, and they bore responsibility for the organization of the city. In this book there is definitely a place for conflict as well. A harmonious and prosperous society is in the view of communautarists like Robert Putnam's almost the natural outcome from citizens cooperating in unions. Conflict forms an essential part of the interaction between people. In spite of the conflicts corporations did not collapse. Corporations underlined the importance of the social bond for the individual as well as the community. The main obstacle was religion. The policy of the town council was directed towards a fair and just treatment of the different confessions within the framework of the Capitulation Treaty of 1629 and the "laws of The Hague". The town council was the guardian of the common interest and it corrected the corporations that were inclined to serve their own ends. Skipping the details Robert Putnam draws attention to the corporations in North-Italian city-states that caused civil communities to bloom. Putnam relates this to the present American society. He just like Amitai Etzioni, another important community-thinker, recognizes the importance of social connections in which members cooperate, have discussions and in doing so keep democracy alive. Communautarists pay attention to the transmitting of norms and values. Corporations in early modern times also were emphatically engaged in this. What applied to Putnam's city-states in the late Middle Ages also applies to the corporations in early modern 's-Hertogenbosch. Members of the corporations created a lively culture of discussion, a necessary condition for a community on its way to democracy. (Jonathan Israel states that 'the democratic republic [started] in the Republiek') In order to deliberate with one another it is important that the partners in deliberation trust one another. Cooperating within social connections and delegating responsibilities is only possible, as Fukuyama points out, if there is trust. Both within the guilds and the militias this trust could grow because quite soon after the Reduction of 1629 the catholic and reformed members started to work on the ecumenicity of everyday life. Schilling and Blickle both ascertain, ignoring details, that changes into a democratic direction in early modern times were initiated bottom-up in small connections. The discussion that Tönnies started on Gesellschaft und Gemeinschaft is still very much alive especially when we take into account the 'golden rules' of Etzioni. He draws attention to the smaller connections - intermediary institutions - that a democratic communitarian society, a 'community of communities' needs if it is to stay alive.
Naast wetgeving maakt de Europese Unie ook gebruik van een hybride beleidsmethode, genaamd ?economic governance?, om o.a. jaarlijks aanbevelingen te geven aan de lidstaten, waarvan de EU de opvolging monitort via het Europees semester. Deze aanbevelingen hebben betrekking op de begroting en de economie, maar ook op het sociaal en werkgelegenheidsbeleid van de lidstaten. Terwijl de EU geen sterke wetgevingsbevoegdheden heeft inzake de sociale dimensie, maakte het ? zeker tijdens de crisis ? uitvoerig gebruik van EU ?economic governance? om ?soft law?-richtsnoeren uit te delen inzake werkgelegenheid, arbeidsrecht en sociale zekerheid. Een groot aantal aanbevelingen hadden betrekking op de loonvorming of rechtstreeks op een hervorming van het collectieve onderhandelingssysteem.00Een aanvaring met het fundamentele recht op collectief onderhandelen (en sociale dialoog) van de sociale partners was dan ook onvermijdelijk. Dit recht, dat een zekere autonomie aan de sociale partners geeft om met elkaar over sociale aangelegenheden te onderhandelen, is niet alleen beschermd door de EU-rechtsorde zelf, maar ook door de Internationale Arbeidsorganisatie en de Raad van Europa (EVRM en ESH). Het onderzoek heeft nagegaan in welke mate EU ?economic governance? problematisch is in het licht van het recht op collectief onderhandelen, wat tot schendingen van dit recht in de verschillende rechtsorden kan leiden. Uit de evaluatie van de aanbevelingen en de maatregelen trekt het onderzoek lessen voor de EU (en de lidstaten) om EU ?economic governance? beter met het recht op collectief onderhandelen te verzoenen, rekening houdend met het postcrisisklimaat en de hernieuwde aandacht voor de sociale dimensie van de EU
In: Tromp , G H M 2001 , ' Politiek door de staten : doel- of waarderationeel handelen in het besloten overleg over de Wadden en het openbaar beraad over de ecologische hoofdstructuur ' , Doctor of Philosophy .
POLITICS BY PROVINCE: Goal-oriented rational action or value-oriented rational action in closed debate on the Wadden region and public consultation on the ecological infrastructure General This thesis is a study of political conduct, and of provincial politics in particular. It is based on three research projects. The first two research projects are empirical studies that examine, respectively, the functioning of the discussion platform for government bodies relating to the Wadden Islands area and the relationship between the regional press and provincial political organs. Each of these two projects is based on a defined problem, a theoretical framework, methodology and conclusions. Although both case studies deal with provincial politics, they are completely separate from each other. The third case study is theoretical. It seeks to clarify the rationalization theories of Max Weber and Karl Mannheim, and place the concepts of goaloriented rational action and value-oriented rational action in their theoretical context. This theoretical chapter produces a number of research questions that can be used as a 'rationality grid' to be applied to the two empirical case studies in order to determine what form of action, goal-rational or value-rational, characterizes provincial politics. Chapter One describes the background to the studies and gives a short introduction to the research themes. This chapter also presents a view of contemporary provincial politics and discusses the scientific position from which this thesis has been written, emphasizing the unique role of the sociological vision. How does the government manage the Wadden Sea? The first section examines the way in which the government manages the Wadden Sea. The study is based on an evaluation study of the functioning of the Coördinatiecollege Waddengebied (CCW) in the period 1987 to 1994. The CCW (a platform for administrative consultation between the government, the Wadden provinces and the Wadden municipalities) was set up in 1980 for the purpose of "ensuring coherent administration and an coordinated policy by the government, provinces and municipalities with regard to the Wadden region." The study is based on a bottleneck analysis; in other words, by identifying problems, concrete solutions can be proposed. The evaluation study employed a combination of two popular lines of research in organizational sociology literature – the 'whole-system approach' and the 'parties approach'. In the whole-system approach, shared values or a feeling of solidarity are what unites the organization. In the parties approach, the organization is seen as a coalition of parties with different interests and aims. The parties work together for their own benefit, or because negative sanctions force them to do so. Both approaches are integrated in the 'parties-withina-system' perspective, which focuses on the relationships between the parties and the organization as a whole. This integral approach was used to evaluate the functioning of the CCW because the CCW places great emphasis on shared values and responsibilities, which are the core elements of the whole-system approach. At the same time, however, the CCW is composed of different parties which all have their own tasks, powers and interests – the core elements of the parties approach. This perspective has been tailored to the evaluation of the CCW using the following criteria: shared values, support base, differing interests, power structure, sense of purpose, and success/failure factors. The study is based on qualitative interviews with participants in the CCW platforms, telephone interviews with councillors and members of the States General, dossier analyses and reconstructions from minutes from the CCW consultations on the following cases: enlarging the scope of the Nature Conservation Act; delegation of powers with regard to inspection and control; co-ordination of international activities, problems relating to 'traditional brown shipping'; the review of the Waddenzee II Key Planning Decision, and gas extraction in the Wadden Sea. This treatment of the original research report emphasizes a systematic description of conduct within the context of the administrative co-ordination of the Wadden region, which is usually of a closed nature. The main problem areas are the following: a lack of shared values due to the fact that the purpose of the Wadden consultation platform is given a different interpretation depending on the interests in question; by way of preparation for the Wadden consultations, a process of harmonization takes place within the various authorities, thereby creating an administrative support base. However, this process of preliminary consultation and feedback reveals the other side of the bureaucratic coin – this circuit is, administratively and politically speaking, strongly inward-looking; there are no substantial conflicts of interest between the layers of government. However, mutual suspicion exists with regard to the extent to which other parties are committed to the Wadden policy. Each party suspects that the other parties will ultimately allow economic interests to prevail; with regard to the delegation of authority, the balance of power between the government and the provinces is seen as unacceptable. The continuous lack of consensus, whether manifest or otherwise, is a barrier to discussion on a equal footing; there are various problems relating to the sense of purpose, including the role of the Chairman and the lack of a clear definition/delegation of tasks. This analysis shows that the problems are not related to the structure of the Wadden consultative platform but rather to its culture, and more specifically to the participants' perceptions of the role and responsibilities of the platform. In addition, there appears to be a distinct lack of leadership. The main conclusions are as follows: harmonization within the various Wadden authorities (government, provinces and municipalities) hampers harmonization between the Wadden authorities; the representatives from the three layers of government do not present the role and purpose of the consultative platform in a consistent and uniform way; the CCW is hampered in its work by an ongoing debate about how powers are delegated between the layers of government. Because the analysis of success and failure factors revealed that clearly defined relationships between the government authorities are essential for successful consultation, possible solutions aim to create that clarity. Recommendations have been laid down, for example, relating to the role of the Chairman, drawing up the agenda, and clearly defining the tasks of the various bodies. Although, as far back as 1995, the CCW largely acknowledged the problem areas and supported the proposals for improvement, none of the recommendations will actually be implemented before 2001. Politics and the press on the ecological infrastructure in Friesland and Drenthe Section 2 describes a study of the relationship between the regional press and northern provincial politics. The basis for the study is the political decision-making regarding the establishment of the ecological infrastructure in the provinces of Friesland and Drenthe in the period 1989 to 1996. The conclusion of a survey of the relationship between the printed press and parliamentary democracy is that the main function of the press is to provide information, criticism and comment. The role of information-provider is examined on the basis of the following: actual report of a meeting of the Provincial Councils; a news report giving information about matters relating to the ecological infrastructure in both provinces; a background article describing the context, history and/or different interpretations of matters relating to the ecological infrastructure. The role of critic is examined on the basis of the following: editorial comment; a column in which one of the editors gives his opinion under his own name; opinions of third parties, in which a third party, who is not an editor, is given the opportunity to express an opinion. Using four recent examples, it is then argued that the central question relating to the relationship between politics and the press is one of management – who controls political communication or, put another way, is the relationship determined by 'party logic' or by 'media logic'? The study will compare decision-making on the ecological infrastructure (as this was perceived in decision-making meetings of the provincial councils) with reporting by the regional press in both provinces. The decision-making process of the provincial councils was reconstructed for this purpose. The result is not only an analytical reconstruction of the decision-making surrounding the ecological infrastructure in Friesland and Drenthe, but also a chronicle of provincial political customs and morals. A quantitative and qualitative analysis subsequently shows how the regional press fulfils its role as information provider and critic. The quantitative analysis addresses the question of how often the press fulfils its role as information provider and critic with regard to decision-making on the ecological infrastructure. The qualitative analysis addresses the question of how the press fulfils those roles. It is argued that the quality of the information provided is determined by the degree of objectivity, but that the best measure of quality is a clear standpoint. These conclusions were used to formulate an 'ideal' against which the quality of informative and critical articles can be measured. A factual report is as objective as possible when: it deals not only with the decision itself, but also with the opinion-forming process; it gives the opinion not only of the representatives of official bodies, but also of opponents or those outside such bodies; the reporter does not give his own opinion. A news report or background article is as objective as possible when: it presents more than one perspective and/or quotes more than one authority on the subject. An editorial or column makes a constructive critical contribution when: the author adopts a clear standpoint; the context (history, background or current event) of that standpoint is given; the author describes how the standpoint was reached, and on which information or authorities it is based. Conclusions about the information function: in almost half of the cases, the regional newspapers do not report on provincial council meetings relating to the ecological infrastructure. The people who live in the province, but fall outside a given environmental or agricultural target group, will not become informed about the ecological infrastructure by reading their local newspaper. Neither will they become informed about the role of the provincial government in this; in the reports which do deal with meetings of the provincial councils, there is a lack of balance. Generally speaking, no effort is made in such reports to show the full palette of political colours represented in the provincial council; there is only relatively wide newspaper coverage on occasions when political emotions are running high. Examples are: Friesland in 1993, when an agreement was reached with the agricultural sector, and Drenthe in 1993, when an amended programme of intent for the soil-protection areas was introduced (the agricultural lobby also played an important role in this). This attention from the press can be explained by incident politics. Political groups hold widely different opinions; they make no effort to hide their differences and journalists are keen to pick up on this. Another possible explanation is that, in these cases, ecological policy is heavily influenced by the farming lobby, which itself is strongly supported by influential political groups; the news reports are usually brief and present an event from only one perspective, without a journalistic contribution from the author. This leads to the inevitable conclusion that press releases sent to the newspapers have been published without any further interpretation; the most common simple perspective is that which opposes the ecological infrastructure; there are very few background articles. Background articles that clarify the situation, and outline the problems confronting provincial politicians, are indispensable with regard to a far-reaching and complex plan such as the development of the ecological infrastructure of the two provinces; it is notable that most of the background articles are only written from one perspective, with very little informative context. On the basis of these findings, it appears that the way in which the regional press fulfils its role as information provider leaves room for improvement. Scant attention is paid to council decision-making and the quality of reporting also leaves something to be desired. Little can be said about how the press fulfils the role as critic because so few articles appear in this context. The question Who controls political communication? cannot therefore be answered because the press pays too little attention to provincial politics. Goal-oriented or value-oriented rationality: which form of rationality determines political action? Section 3 examines which form of rationality (i.e. goal-oriented or value-oriented rationality) occurs most in the closed discussions between government bodies in the Wadden study, or in public discussions on the ecological infrastructure from the study of the relationship between politics and the press. For this purpose the rationalization theories from the work of Weber and Mannheim were used. Both Weber and Mannheim recognise increasing instrumental and formal rationality (Weber) and functional rationality (Mannheim) in all areas of life, and a decrease in material rationality (Weber) and substantial rationality (Mannheim). Weber and Mannheim identify the rise and influence of a specific form of instrumental rationality, particularly within economic, legal and bureaucratic institutions. Within such institutions, actions are characterized by goal-oriented rationality. This means that the prevalent institutional pattern of norms and values that more or less prescribes how people should act within the institutions (role-related behaviour) places great emphasis on goal-rational behaviour. In order to establish whether this also applies in provincial politics and administration, a study was made of the conception of rationality in the work of Weber and Mannheim. The question of whether goal-oriented or value-oriented rationality is dominant is addressed by a secondary analysis of the material. The secondary analysis takes the form of a 'rationality grid' that is applied to the material from the two empirical studies. The grid has a coarsely meshed structure that can separate out goal-oriented and value-oriented rationality. Following the study of Weber and Mannheim's concepts of rationality, goal-oriemted rational action is defined in this study as action that is geared towards finding the most appropriate means to achieve a goal that is considered as given. When action is successful in terms of the defined goal, we speak of goal-oriented rational action and formal rationality. Success or effectiveness is therefore the measure for goal-rational behaviour. The essence of this concept is expressed in the following questions: is conduct geared towards resources and procedures within the given of administrative co-ordination or within the structured political (provincial) discussions? are the goals open to discussion? If action is a logical extension of or derives from a higher value or ideal, we speak of 'valueoriented rational action' and 'material rationality'. The extent to which an action is valueoriented is therefore the measure for value-rationality. In this study, value-oriented rational action is defined as action that is based on the assessment of the desirability of a given goal by means of a party-political value system. The essence of the concept, as used in the present context, is expressed in the following question: is the action geared towards assessing the desirability of a particular goal, based on a political value system? Conclusions: 1. With regard to discussion between government bodies on the subject of the Wadden region, the hypothesis was that, within the sphere of formalised and regulated administrative co-ordination in the Wadden region, actions are largely determined by goal-oriented rationality. The purpose of the discussion platform is, after all, to co-ordinate and realise goals defined elsewhere. The hypothesis is confirmed – the Wadden discussion platform is characterized by goal-oriented rational action. But this type of action is not related to the ultimate goal of the discussion platform but rather to another goal: the increasing of the influence and governance of the government layer in question. 2. With regard to the decision-making on the ecological infrastructure in Friesland and Drenthe, the hypothesis was that political decision-making debates are characterized by the discussion of values to be lived up to and aims to be realised. It is therefore to be expected that such debates are mainly characterized by value-oriented rationality. However, the findings do not confirm this hypothesis. The discussions of the provincial councils of Drenthe and Friesland are certainly not goal-rational in nature, yet neither can they be described as valuerational. Actions are indeed geared towards assessing the desirability of a particular goal, but that assessment is not based on a political value system. It is not party-political principles that determine political conduct; it would be more true to say that conduct is based on notions of consistency in terms of policy and support.
De Algemene wet bestuursrecht viert 1 januari 2019 haar zilveren jubileum. Dat verdient aandacht want de betekenis van de Awb op de ontwikkeling van het bestuursrecht in Nederland valt moeilijk te overschatten. Maar liefst 87 auteurs afkomstig uit verschillende generaties en functionele gebieden van het bestuursrecht schreven 75 waardevolle bijdragen over de toekomst van de Awb. Een unieke jubileumbundel voor alle beoefenaren van het bestuursrecht. 25 jaar Awb, In eenheid en verscheidenheid is een unieke bundel rondom het zilveren jubileum van de Awb: niet eerder waren zoveel auteurs bijeen om in 75 bijdragen over deze belangrijke systeemwet te schrijven. Die uitzonderlijke aandacht verbaast niet: de betekenis van de Awb op de ontwikkeling van het bestuursrecht in NederƠland valt moeilijk te overschatten. Niet alleen is met de invoering van de Awb het algemeen deel van het bestuursrecht samengebracht en verder gecodificeerd, de invoering leidde ook tot een systematisering van belangrijke delen van het bestuursrecht. Bovendien werd eenheid in de rechtsgang naar de bestuursrechter gecreëerd. Het bestuursƠrecht werd in een klap een stuk volwassener. '25 jaar Awb' rechtvaardigt daarom alleszins een moment van viering en beschouwing en vormt een goede aanleiding voor bezinning op de plaats en functie van deze systeemwet, nu en voor de toekomst. Deze bijzonder fraai uitgevoerde uitgave werd gepresenteerd tijdens het symposium #25 jaar Awb, Verschillende generaties over een jarige weg# op 8 februari 2019 in Den Haag. Het vormt een schriftelijke bekroning van de jubilerende wet. Door de uiteenlopende perspectieven is de publicatie bijzonder waardevol voor alle beoefenaren van het bestuursrecht, ongeacht wetgeving, rechtspraak, openbaar bestuur, wetenschap of advocatuur. De bundel is opgedeeld in 6 deelthema#s: 1- Ambities en doelstellingen van de Awb 2- Grondslagen en basiskeuzes in de Awb 3- Coherentie en concurrentie met de Awb 4- Internationale invloed op de rol van de Awb 5- Gebruikersperspectieven op de Awb 6- Invloed van innovatie en digitalisering op de Awb
How does the use of ict affect the relationship between government and its citizens? This book analyses the developments of networking information and concludes that in everyday practice an iGovernment has gradually come into existence, overtaking the old paradigm of the eGoverment. The iGoverment, effectively running at full speed on information flows and networks, is however seriously out of step with the self-image of the digital government, and the existing structure and division of responsibilities. This book is based on the report on iGovernment that the Scientific Council for Government Policy (WRR) presented to the Dutch Government in March 2011. "This book contributes powerfully to the understanding and evaluation of the development - beyond 'eGovernment' - of 'information Government', centred on highly complex flows and uses of information for public services, care and control, rather than technology itself. Sound empirical research and a concern to create better governance of iGovernment enable the authors to bring a sharply critical eye to their call for greater awareness by policy-makers, and for a strategic, reasoned and institutionalised relationship among the principles involved. These include ones that are often neglected: privacy, freedom of choice, accountability and transparency. Their recommendations are important, not only for the Netherlands". Charles D. Raab, Professor Emeritus and Honorary Professorial Fellow, University of Edinburgh "This book will be a valuable resource for researchers and scholars seeking to understand the possibilities, dilemmas and challenges of bringing the Internet and related technologies to centre stage in government and public services. It offers a fascinating case study of electronic government and 'information government' in the Netherlands, with examples from local, national and eu government, a wide-ranging literature review and a number of recommendations as to how iGovernment should develop". Helen Margetts, Professor of Society and the Internet and director of the Oxford Internet Institute, University of Oxford "Not only does this book offer an insightful analysis of the problems that ongoing digitization poses for citizens and the goverrnment itself (such as creeping loss of data quality), it also places highly valuable markers for the decisions that must be taken on the challenging path that lies ahead for iGovernment, in providing a new model for weighing up the various fundamental interests at stake". Alex Brenninkmeijer, National Ombudsman, The Netherlands - Het biometrisch paspoort, de Verwijsindex Risicojongeren, het Elektronisch Patiëntendossier, nationale en internationale gegevensuitwisseling tussen organisaties of het gebruik van digitale profielen van burgers: deze en vele andere toepassingen staan beleidsmakers en uitvoerders ter beschikking dankzij de inzet van ict. Maar wat betekent de inzet van ict in beleid en uitvoering voor de relatie tussen overheid en burgers? Wat zijn de gevolgen voor het functioneren van de overheid zelf? Hoe wordt in het proces van voortgaande digitalisering een afweging gemaakt tussen beginselen als veiligheid, privacy, efficiëntie en transparantie? In dit rapport concludeert de Wetenschappelijke Raad voor het Regeringsbeleid (wrr) dat in de dagelijkse digitale praktijk een iOverheid is ontstaan die volop 'draait' op nieuwe informatiestromen die door ict mogelijk zijn gemaakt. Die nieuwe iOverheid loopt echter flink uit de pas met de bestaande structuur en de verantwoordelijkheden van de overheid. De wrr doet in dit rapport inhoudelijke en institutionele aanbevelingen om de noodzakelijke paradigmawisseling van eOverheid naar iOverheid in goede banen te leiden.
The hereafter following is abstract of the discourse held by Prof. dr. ir. C. L. Temminck Groll in honour of the jubilee 1899-1989 of the KNOB on September 23th 1989. The KNOB (Royal Antiquarian Society of the Netherlands) exists 90 years. A respectable age after human standards. Although a society depends on human devotion it does not know age limitations. This is an excellent moment to reflect upon our centenary. Then, in 1999, we will have to present an extremely good manifest for the coming millennium! We have been spoiled very much during the past 90 years. Which of the founders would have expected so many people professionally involved at the protection of monuments? Which of them could have estimated the money available to realize restoration activities? Still, despite of all we obtained, we are rightly concerned about our country and especially that part of the world beyond our borders. These concerns are formulated by the National Geographic Society which hereby stated: 'Can we save this fragile earth?' This society aims at the earth herself as well as at human achievements. Co-operation between the protection of nature and the protection of monuments certainly is sensible and could be one of our future actions. How much nature, how much culture is not already 'dead'! Wren's St. Benet in London f.e. seems saved, but surrounded by flowing thoroughfares the church misses every relation with the original urban structure. Thus in fact the monument has not been saved. At Liège, Belgium, 20th century traffic and concrete buildings overran the medieval Place St. Lambert. And what about the European countryside? How much harmonious farmer's land has not been industrialized yet? Old structures disappear everywhere. Instead of the newly made our Society had to study more and more the continuous changes of the already extant. As to our foreign activities, we can distinguish three angles of incidence. First of all: what can we learn from other countries? Our founder mr. dr. J.C. Overvoorde already realized the importance of study of the way monuments are protected in different European countries. ICOMOS at present is the platform to discuss organizational and substantial aspects. Second: stock-taking of Dutch cultural influences to other regions in Europe, which subject used to attract more attention than it does now. At last: Dutch influences beyond European borders. Like our founder in 1910-11 studied Hindu-Buddhistic antiquaries and the monuments of the Dutch East-Indian Company our Foundation Social History of the Dutch Oversea studies these treasures now. One of her working-groups tries to solve Indonesian problems with respect to the protection of monuments and started stocktaking of especially younger architecture and town-planning. Still, a lot remains to be done on this field in the 'West'! Borders fade. But with the introduction of new fields of work we may not forget the old. Not the older monuments, since we are occupied with the young, not the Dutch, being directed at the whole world. After the question of what we study, the question rises how. Our purpose always was protection. Unlike nature culture cannot renew herself: we have to 'maintain'. And then mankind also is a piece of nature with continuous new desires to which the extant has been adapted. 'Maintain' as well as 'adapt to' means: to change. We can let nature change the made - how beautifully weathered the ruins are! - but we can also preserve the weathering - until now. Replacement of weathered material by new in the shape of colour it used to have is another possibility. Also opinions about this sort of alterations are constantly changing. Thus a platform like the KNOB at national level or ICOMOS at international level will always be needed. That's why: an extremely good manifesto in 10 years. One that states that we are occupied with changing instead of static affairs. Alterations must be directed professionally in a careful and modest way. For the real is infinitely more valuable than the copy.
Het systematisch literatuuroverzicht (systematic review) heeft de laatste jaren enorm aan impact gewonnen in het evidence-based discours en wordt beschouwd als een belangrijke informatiebron ter ondersteuning van besliskunde op praktijk en politiek niveau. Een systematisch literatuuroverzicht brengt resultaten van diverse individuele studies samen om betrouwbare antwoorden te genereren op welbepaalde vragen en wordt gepromoot door internationale non-profitorganisaties, zoals de Cochrane Collaboration en de Campbell Collaboration. Auteurs van systematische literatuuroverzichten (reviewers) streven een systematische identificatie, evaluatie en synthese na van alle relevante studies rond een bepaald onderwerp, gebaseerd op een expliciete en voorgedefinieerde methodologie. Hierbij wordt uitgegaan van een te beantwoorden vraag, een welgedefinieerde zoekstrategie, in- en exclusiecriteria voor studies, een kwaliteitsbeoordeling van de geselecteerde studies, en de extractie van resultaten uit die individuele studies, wat resulteert in een synthese. Momenteel is de vraag naar de evaluatie van de effectiviteit van medische, therapeutische, educatieve, sociale of criminologische interventies dominant in deze literatuuroverzichten. Hiervoor worden de resultaten uit studies – bij voorkeur gerandomiseerde, gecontroleerde experimenten – samengebracht door middel van een meta-analyse, een statistische techniek waarmee een gepoold resultaat verkregen wordt dat zich uitspreekt in het voor- of nadeel van een bepaalde interventie. Er is echter een groeiende belangstelling voor en erkenning van de waarde van inzichten uit kwalitatief onderzoek. Die inzichten kunnen immers helpen om de resultaten uit syntheses van kwantitatief onderzoek beter te situeren, om de vraagstelling mee te informeren en om een aantal vragen te beantwoorden die moeilijk door kwantitatief onderzoek kunnen worden beantwoord. Voorbeelden van dergelijke vragen zijn: Hoe moeten we interventies implementeren in een bepaalde context? Hoe kan een interventie verbeterd worden? Sluit de interventie aan bij de subjectieve noden van de doelgroep? Hoe wordt de interventie ervaren door diegenen die ze moeten uitvoeren of ondergaan? Die interesse heeft ertoe geleid dat meerdere onderzoekers zich zijn gaan buigen over de vraag hoe die kwalitatief georiënteerde inzichten op een methodologisch verantwoorde manier kunnen worden samengevat. Uiteraard hoeven syntheses van kwalitatief onderzoek niet aan te sluiten bij een systematisch literatuuroverzicht. Er zijn ook voorbeelden van syntheses die op zichzelf staan, zonder enige link met een bestaand literatuuroverzicht. De laatste jaren werd er enorm geïnvesteerd in het ontwikkelen van methoden voor het uitvoeren van syntheses van kwalitatief onderzoek (Dixon-Woods, Agarwal, Jones, Young & Sutton, 2005; Barnett-Page & Thomas, 2009). Twee van die methoden brachten een ondersteunend softwarepakket op de markt, EPPI-reviewer en QARI. EPPI-reviewer (Evidence for Policy and Practice Information and Coordinating Centre review software) werd ontwikkeld ter ondersteuning van thematische syntheses (Thomas & Harden, 2008), QARI (Qualitative Assessment and Review Instrument) werd ontwikkeld in de context van meta-aggregatie (Joanna Briggs Institute, 2007). Meta-aggregatie werd reeds toegepast in talloze literatuuroverzichten geproduceerd door het Joanna Briggs Institute, meestal als onderdeel van een mixed-methods-review. QARI is een onderdeel van het Joanna Briggs SUMARI softwarepakket (System for the unified management, assessment and review of information). SUMARI biedt software aan voor het uitwerken van literatuuroverzichten met betrekking tot vraagstellingen naar de effectiviteit, kosten en baten van interventies (syntheses van kwantitatief onderzoek) alsook naar de haalbaarheid, gepastheid en betekenis van interventies of fenomenen (syntheses van kwalitatief onderzoek). QARI kan enkel gebruikt worden voor het beantwoorden van kwalitatieve onderzoeksvragen. Ik illustreer het softwarepakket QARI aan de hand van een meta-aggregatie rond barrières ten aanzien van de implementatie van evidence-based praktijkvoering in België (Hannes, 2008).