Abstract This paper aims to reflect about the contradictions of international cooperation for development in Haiti that can be summarized in two perspectives: the North-South cooperation (NSC) and South-South cooperation (SSC). The dynamics of relationships can mix them (N-SSC). We identified governmental and nongovernmental particularly in health, linked to the OECD, the ALBA-TCP and UNASUR as empirical sources for reflection. The OECD privileges the perspective of NSC: commitment of developed nations with undeveloped. It operates mainly through NGOs. The ALBA-TCP and UNASUR have followed the perspective of SSC: commitment and solidarity among nations alike. They emphasize the horizontal partnership based on solidarity, respect for national sovereignty and peculiarities of each country. The resumption of the categories imperialism and internationalism may contribute to the understanding and analysis the contradictions in the international development agenda, illustrated by how these different actor in Haiti organize their actions. While the first one indicates bonding mechanisms geopolitical hierarchy, the latter suggests possibilities for overcoming these mechanisms. Key-words: International cooperation; Haiti; Imperialism; Internationalism; Organizational studies. Resumo Este artigo objetiva refletir sobre contradições da cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento no Haiti, resumidas em duas perspectivas: cooperação Norte-Sul (CNS) e cooperação Sul-Sul (CSS). A dinâmica das relações pode misturá-las (CN-SS). Identificamos atores governamentais e não governamentais, na área da saúde, vinculados à OCDE, à ALBA-TCP e à UNASUL como fontes empíricas para a reflexão. A OCDE se orienta, predominantemente pela CNS, ou seja, pelo compromisso de assistência que os países desenvolvidos oferecem aos subdesenvolvidos. Opera principalmente através de ONGs. Nas ações da ALBA-TCP e da Unasul predominam a perspectiva da CSS: comprometimento solidário entre nações iguais. Enfatizam a parceria horizontal baseada na solidariedade, no respeito à soberania e peculiaridades de cada país. A retomada das categorias imperialismo e internacionalismo contribui para compreensão e análise das contradições na agenda internacional do desenvolvimento, ilustradas pelas formas mediante as quais esses diferentes atores organizam suas ações no Haiti. Enquanto as dos países da OCDE denotam mecanismos geopolíticos hierárquicos, as ações dos países vinculados à ALBA-TCP e da UNASUR sugerem possibilidades de superação desses mecanismos, buscando a cooperação genuína e autodeterminada. Palavras-chave: Cooperação internacional; Haiti; Imperialismo; Internationalismo; Estudos oganizacionais. Resumen En este artículo se reflexiona sobre las contradicciones de la cooperación internacional para el desarrollo en Haití, resumidas en dos puntos de vista: cooperación Norte-Sur (CNS) y cooperación Sur-Sur (CSS). La dinámica de las relaciones pueden mezclarlos (CN-SS). Identificamos los actores gubernamentales y no gubernamentales, en la salud, de la OCDE, del ALBA-TCP y UNASUR como fuentes empíricas para la reflexión. La OCDE se orienta principalmente por la CNS, es decir, ofrecen asistencia a los países sudesarrollados. Opera principalmente a través de ONGs; en las acciones del ALBA-TCP y UNASUR predominan la perspectiva de CSS: el compromiso solidario entre naciones iguales. La énfasis és en la colaboración horizontal basada en la solidaridad, el respeto a la soberanía y las peculiaridades de cada país. La reanudación de las categorías imperialismo y internacionalismo contribuye a la comprensión y el análisis de las contradicciones en la agenda de desarrollo internacional, ilustrada por las formas en que los diferentes actores organizan sus acciones en Haití. Mientras que los países de la OCDE indican mecanismos geopolíticos jerárquicas, las acciones de los países vinculados al ALBA- TCP y UNASUR sugieren posibilidades para la superación de estos mecanismos, buscando la cooperación genuina y autodeterminada. Palabras-clave: Cooperación internacional; Haití, Imperialismo; Internationalismo; Estudios oganizacionales.
RESUMEN. Este artículo examina la actuación del Banco Europeo de Inversiones (BEI) bajo un marco de estudio adaptado al estudio comparativo de las Organizaciones Financieras Internacionales (OFIs). Basándose en investigaciones previas, contribuye a la literatura emergente en análisis comparativo de políticas. Proporciona las directrices para analizar y comparar OFIs altamente criticadas como el BEI, el mayor prestamista mundial pese a la poca atención académica recibida. ; ABSTRACT. This paper explores the performance of the European Investment Bank (EIB) under an adapted framework for the comparative study of International Financial Organizations (IFOs). Building on previous research it contributes to the emerging literature on comparative policy analysis. It provides the guidelines needed to analyse and compare highly criticized IFOs like the EIB, the largest worldwide lender despite the scant academic attention paid to it. The paper argues the EIB shows signs of bad performance; policy output does not fulfil the institution?s goals as stated in the Statutes. To demonstrate this, the article leads the way in providing the first combined qualitative and quantitative analysis of EIB lending to European Union members from 1991 to 2015. We conclude by stressing the progressive mechanization of EIB loans at the expense of securing the institution's mission.
Este articulo examina la actuación del Banco Europeo de Inversiones (BEI) bajo un marco de estudio adaptado al estudio comparativo de las Organizaciones Financieras Internacionales (OFls). Basándose en investigaciones previas, contribuye a la literatura emergente en análisis comparativo de políticas. Proporciona las directrices para analizar y comparar OFls altamente criticadas como el BEI, el mayor prestamista mundial pese a la poca atención académica recibida. El articulo muestra que los préstamos del Banco no cumplen los objetivos especificados en sus Estatutos a través de un análisis cualitativo y cuantitativo combinado de los préstamos otorgados a países miembros de la Unión Europea desde 1991 hasta 2015. Concluimos destacando la progresiva mecanización de los préstamos del Banco a expensas de garantizar su misión ; This paper explores the performance of the European Investment Bank (EIB) under an adapted framework for the comparative study of International Financial Organizations (IFOs). Building on previous research it contributes to the emerging literature on comparative policy analysis. It provides the guidelines needed to analyse and compare highly criticized IFOs like the EIB, the largest worldwide lender despite the scant academic attention paid to it. The paper argues the EIB shows signs of bad performance; policy output does not fulfil the institution's goals as stated in the Statutes. To demonstrate this, the article leads the way in providing the first combined qualitative and quantitative analysis of EIB lending to European Union members from 1991 to 2015. We conclude by stressing the progressive mechanization of EIB loans at the expense of securing the institution's mission
This paper explores the performance of the European Investment Bank (EIB) under an adapted framework for the comparative study of International Financial Organizations (IFOs). Building on previous research it contributes to the emerging literature on comparative policy analysis. It provides the guidelines needed to analyse and compare highly criticized IFOs like the EIB, the largest worldwide lender despite the scant academic attention paid to it. The paper argues the EIB shows signs of bad performance; policy output does not fulfil the institution's goals as stated in the Statutes. To demonstrate this, the article leads the way in providing the first combined qualitative and quantitative analysis of EIB lending to European Union members from 1991 to 2015.We conclude by stressing the progressive mechanization of EIB loans at the expense of securing the institution's mission. ; Este artículo examina la actuación del Banco Europeo de Inversiones (BEI) bajo un marco de estudio adaptado al estudio comparativo de las Organizaciones Financieras Internacionales (OFIs). Basándose en investigaciones previas, contribuye a la literatura emergente en análisis comparativo de políticas. Proporciona las directrices para analizar y comparar OFIs altamente criticadas como el BEI, el mayor prestamista mundial pese a la poca atención académica recibida. El artículo muestra que los préstamos del Banco no cumplen los objetivos especificados en sus Estatutos a través de un análisis cualitativo y cuantitativo combinado de los préstamos otorgados a países miembros de la Unión Europea desde 1991 hasta 2015. Concluimos destacando la progresiva mecanización de los préstamos del Banco a expensas de garantizar su misión.
ABSTRACT This study aims to determine the factors that cause the conflict between the Executive and the Legislature in determining the fixation of Aceh Provincial Budget. The writer is using Power Relations Theory and the Behavior Approach Theory. The research approach is carried out using descriptive qualitative methods. Results showed that the factors that created conflict between the Executive and Legislative institution regarding the determination of APBA are: conflicts of interest between the Executive and Legislative parties, inconsistent political communication between the Executive and Legislative parties, differences in party ideology, and the absence of the governor in the budget discussion meeting.
RESUMEN: Este artículo de investigación tiene por objeto analizar la responsabilidad de las organizaciones internacionales (OI) por actos ultra vires. La metodología utilizada consistió básicamente en la revisión documental de libros y artículos referidos al estudio de las organizaciones internacionales y al tema de responsabilidad internacional específicamente. Asimismo, se estudiaron las opiniones consultivas de la Corte Internacional de Justicia (CIJ)3 en las que se hace referencia directa o indirecta al tema de la responsabilidad, la subjetividad y la autonomía de las organizaciones internacionales. Se analizan algunos elementos y conceptos del derecho de las OI, como el de sus facultades y poderes (entre ellos los de interpretación y capacidad para crear órganos)4 . Lo establecido se aplicará por regla general a la mayoría de las OI, a menos que sus respectivos tratados constitutivos establezcan lo contrario. Este trabajo hace énfasis en la ONU y el sistema onusiano por ser el ámbito más universal y en el que existe mayor legislación interna. Se concluye que, en general, no existen normas específicas para tratar la discusión sobre le legalidad de actos ultra vires, ni mecanismos de impugnación ni control de legalidad de los actos de las organizaciones internacionales. ; ABSTRACT: This research article analyzes the responsibility of international organizations (IO) for acts performed ultra vires. For that purpose the methodology used was a review of academic documents on international Institutional Law in general and international responsibility in particular. Related Advisory Opinions by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) were studied as well. The document addresses some concepts and elements of the law of IOs, such as their powers and capabilities (interpretation and the capacity of creating other organs). The study applies broadly to any IO unless so-mething different is prescribed in their respective constitutive treaties, but it refers mostly to the UNO and the UN system, because it is the most universal organization as well as the organization with the richest internal legislation. The conclusion reached is that there are no specific norms related to the legality of ultra vires acts, nor procedures for determining the validity of acts carried out by international organizations
This paper focuses on international organizations, especially those regulating trade and exchange. It draws on the Theory of Clubs (Buchanan, 1965) and builds a model that aims to explain governments' optimal choices when joining international organizations. The results of the model show that governmental willingness to enlarge international organizations and to increase their degree of commitment are decreasing functions of both, the size of the organization, and the country's degree of commitment and of national heterogeneity. --- El trabajo se centra en las organizaciones internacionales, concretamente en aquellas que regulan el comercio y el intercambio. Basándose en la Teoría de los Clubes (Buchanan, 1965), se construye un modelo para explicar las elecciones óptimas de los gobiernos a la hora de formar parte de una organización internacional. Los resultados del modelo muestran que los deseos de los gobiernos de aumentar tanto el tamaño de una organización internacional como su grado de compromiso son funciones decrecientes del tamaño de la organización, del grado de compromiso de los países y de la heterogeneidad nacional.
This paper is about the new social movements against the Globalisation. In particular, I will speak about the period between the demonstrations of Seattle (November/December 99) and the demonstrations of Genoa (June 2001) and the sector of movement that have practiced strategies of civil disobedience and conflict with the police forces. In this period, it has been developed a particular new form of collective action that I've called model anti-summit. The relationship with mass media and the new TIC (Technologies of Information and Communication) and the spatial building of conflict are the most important features in this model of collective action. The anti summit model of collective action, as a challenger in urban space control when the international organizations had meetings was hegemonic until the Governments used a "geographies of terror" strategy in the cities where the international organizations should met. The military control and exceptional legality in Genoa, where the police killed the young demonstrator Carlo Giuliani, is the best example of this strategy against the Global movements and their strategies to dispute the urban space's control.
El artículo tiene por objetivo dar cuenta de los diferentes enfoques que desde la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales permiten estudiar el fenómeno de las organizaciones internacionales. En este sentido, en primer lugar se realiza un abordaje conceptual y una caracterización de las organizaciones internacionales, así como una diferenciación del término Instituciones Internacionales. En segundo lugar, se señalan aquellos trabajos a los que se tuvo acceso que han estudiado el tema en los últimos años, evidenciándose que han existido esfuerzos desde diferentes puntos del planeta en indagar sobre este tema. En tercer lugar, se analiza el papel que juegan las organizaciones internacionales en la disciplina, específicamente desde los enfoques teóricos del realismo y neorrealismo, liberalismo, institucionalismo neoliberal e interdependencia compleja, constructivismo y otras contribuciones teóricas (entre ellas, la visión crítica, el funcionalismo, neo-funcionalismo, la teoría del agente-principal y la perspectiva feminista). Por último, se presentan reflexiones finales. Así, el artículo estudia un actor internacional considerado por los autores de carácter más estatocéntrico no tradicional en las Relaciones Internacionales, tal como son las organizaciones internacionales, que desde mediados del siglo XX han incrementado su presencia en el sistema internacional, vinculándose en la actualidad tanto con gobiernos nacionales como subnacionales y abarcando una amplia variedad de temas y problemáticas. ; The article has as main objective to evidence the different approaches from the International Relations discipline that permit to study the international organizations. In this sense, first the article defines and characterizes the international organizations, as well as a differentiation from the term international institutions. Second, those researches published in the last years related to the issue of this paper are being exposed in the discussion section given account of the efforts made around the globe to inquire into this subject. Third, the article analyses the role played by the international organizations in the IR discipline, specifically from theories such as, realism and neo-realism, liberalism, neoliberal institutionalism and complex interdependence, constructivism, and others theoretical contributions (like the critical theory, the functionalism and neo-functionalism, the principal and agent, and the feminist theory). Finally yet importantly, final reflections are being presented. Thus, the paper studies an international actor considered by the most state-centric authors as non-traditional in the IR, such as the international organizations, which from mid-20th century have increased its presence in the international system, with currently relations with national and sub-national governments and reaching a huge variety of issues.
The reflection article focuses on the revision of international documents, forums, declarations and treaties published by UNESCO and other international organizations. It is a theoretical protocol that supports the work of doctoral research in its first phase, referred to "Conceptions and approaches to education in higher education settings". The analysis is based on three key aspects: review of the documents that address the issue of education and its policies, understanding of the utopias of education and projection of some ideas on the proposal to rethink education from the visions of International organizations. ; El artículo se enfoca en la revisión de los documentos, foros, declaraciones y tratados internacionales publicados por la UNESCO y otras organizaciones internacionales. Es un protocolo teórico que sustenta el trabajo de investigación doctoral en su primera fase, referido a "Concepciones y enfoques de la educación en ámbitos de educación superior". El análisis se hace a partir de tres aspectos claves: revisión de los documentos que abordan el tema de la educación y sus políticas, comprensión de las utopías de la educación, y proyección de algunas ideas sobre la propuesta de replantear la educación desde las visiones de los organismos internacionales.
Synopsis of the following thesis: Empirical evaluation of the ability of calculated profits and cash-flow to predict future cash-flows, The role of the executive woman in local companies that conduct international business, Automation in the government system of Puerto Rico, The impact of shopping malls in western Puerto Rico: Consumer preferences, Study on the viability of the alternatives proposed by the government of Puerto Rico to address the issue of solid waste management and disposal, with special attention to the alternative of recycling. ; Sinopsis de las siguientes tesis: Evaluación empírica de la habilidad de la ganancia calculada y del flujo de efectivo para predecir flujos futuros de efectivo, El rol de la mujer ejecutiva en empresas locales que realizan negocios internacionales, La automatización en el sistema de gobierno de Puerto Rico, El impacto de los centros comerciales en el área oeste de Puerto Rico: Las preferencias del consumidor, Estudio de viabilidad de las alternativas propuestas por el gobierno de Puerto Rico para atender el problema del manejo y disposición de los desperdicios sólidos, con especial atención a la alternativa de reciclaje.
Throughout the history of contemporary feminism, women's presence in the public sphere has been a perennial issue, demanding all sorts of strategies to promote women's inclusion in the economic and political arenas. Starting in the 1980s, feminist scholars in International Relations have questioned the absence of women in the international arena, alongside the pervasive gender hierarchies of the international system. Not only was it that women had been systematically excluded from politics, but the scholarship in IR had largely ignored feminist claims about the gendering of international politics. Largely animated by feminist movements and the nascent feminist debates in IR, the World Conferences on Women (1975, 1980, 1985, and 1995) stressed the paramount need for taking women's demands seriously. Such demands encompassed social, economic, and political domains, echoing decades of feminist struggles in the first, second and third worlds. The United Nations played a crucial role in fostering an agenda of gender equality and women's rights as human rights, which have been a quintessential part of the Millennium Development Goals and, more recently, the Sustainable Development Goals. Furthermore, gender-oriented policies have been promoted in myriad UN agencies and international organisations, such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. Despite all these efforts purporting to raise awareness about gender equality and women's rights, as well as about the need for more inclusive policies for women in the international arena, women's presence in international fora as leaders has been remarkably low. As for the United Nations, until now no woman has been elected to the organisation's highest post, that of secretary general, and only recently the International Monetary Fund and World Bank have had female managing directors. These sobering results show a different picture of international organisations that promote gender equality as their political and social commitment, whilst failing to comply with the very same discourse when it comes to women's leadership in their formal structures. In this context, the present article aims to assess quantitatively and qualitatively women's presence in leadership roles at the United Nations and international economic organisations (namely, the IMF, WB and World Trade Organisation). It departs from the following research question: What is the current state of affairs of women's participation in the highest posts of the United Nations and the international organizations of the global economic system? Methodologically, we resort to descriptive statistical data of women's presence at various agencies of the United Nations and the aforementioned economic institutions from 1990-2018. Of greatest concern will be those occupying the posts of presidency and vice-presidency. Counting women is a traditional approach in feminist studies in IR, and it is a paramount step in making women count. The second goal of our paper, thus, derives directly from the data: by mapping the few women occupying positions of leadership in international organisations, we can assess the gender structures operating to the disadvantage of women. In order to do so, we resort to feminist theories as developed in political science and IR, for they provide the conceptual tools to provide data with meaning. We focus primarily on how gendered institutions confine women to specific gendered roles that emanate from the private sphere of domesticity. This means that women suffer from various exclusionary dynamics: firstly, they are excluded from leadership roles for the fact of being women; secondly, the few who manage to break through the glass ceiling of a masculine international arena are assigned positions that mimic the elements of the private sphere. Frequently, female leaders are responsible for social issues, childhood, food security, education, and culture, all of which are labeled as soft issues, or belonging to the domain of low politics. Feminist IR scholars have extensively denounced these gendered structures as part of how men preserve their privileges under the framework of hegemonic masculinity. Therefore, we draw on the work of several IR feminists who are concerned with the theoretical questioning and empirical unravelling of such gender hierarchies to interpret our data beyond the mere counting of women. We contend that women in leadership roles in the United Nations and international economic organisations more frequently occupy portfolios that are seen as soft issues or low politics. Likewise, these roles are often associated with the care for others, which reinforces gender roles and hierarchies. Women are more likely to occupy the presidencies and vice-presidencies of agencies such as UNICEF, UNESCO, WFP, and OHCHR, all of which deal with issues associated with childhood, education, culture, food security and human rights. We conclude that an apparent glass ceiling – the invisible barrier that prevents women from reaching higher and more prestigious posts in their professional careers – still remains in international institutions, limiting the participation of women in decision-making fora. The few female leaders who manage to reach the highest posts in the international arena are more likely to be exceptions of a pervasive phenomenon of gender inequality and lack of representativeness. The discourses embraced by the United Nations and international economic organisations fail to meet the minimal criteria for gender parity within these organizations' structures, and even where women have been assigned leadership roles, gender stereotypes still prevail. Further evidence revealed in our research refers to the regional representativeness of the few female leaders in these international organisations: about 55% of them come from Western Europe and North America. Latin American and African women are strongly underrepresented in the United Nations system, as well as in the Bretton Woods institutions, which is itself problematic because the particular perspectives of women from the Global South are also excluded from debates in these international fora. Therefore, international organisations also face the challenge of fostering the diversity of feminist perspectives by developing strategies to include Global South women in their formal structure, ideally as leaders. In this sense, our paper draws attention to the importance of pluralism not only in terms of gender parity, but also of a feminist worldview. In order to make women count in the international arena, the United Nations and international economic organisations have to fully commit themselves to concrete policies for women's inclusion, not only as heads of the institutions, but also in lower hierarchies where policies are designed. Only by acknowledging that women's perspectives matter, can we achieve the goals of gender equality. ; Aunque el debate sobre la presencia femenina en los espacios políticos haya empezado antes de los años setenta del siglo veinte, el contexto de las Conferencias Mundiales sobre la Mujer profundizó las demandas de las mujeres en distintos dominios, entre ellos la participación en las esferas políticas y de decisión. Las Naciones Unidas han fomentado discursos sobre el empoderamiento de las mujeres y su participación activa en roles políticos, reconociendo que la paridad de género en la política es un objetivo esencial para alcanzar la igualdad entre hombres y mujeres. Sin embargo, la propia organización no cumple su discurso: hasta el presente momento, no hay registros de mujeres que hayan ocupado el cargo de secretaria general y pocas ocupan otros cargos en la organización. Un escenario semejante se observa en las demás organizaciones internacionales, nombradamente las que se ocupan de temas económicos, considerados de alto prestigio en la arena internacional. En este artículo, nuestro objetivo consiste en investigar la presencia femenina en los órganos de Naciones Unidas y organizaciones económicas internacionales. Tal investigación se centra en dos enfoques: por un lado, contabilizamos la presencia feminina en distintos organismos a lo largo de tres décadas, siguiendo un abordaje tradicional de los estudios de género: counting women to make women count; por otro lado, utilizamos los datos recolectados para evaluar cómo las estructuras de género en los organismos internacionales operan en detrimento de las mujeres. Para esto, iniciamos con la siguiente cuestión: ¿Cuál es el actual estado de participación de las mujeres en los más altos cargos de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas y de los organismos del sistema económico global? Para responder a esta pregunta, estructuramos en artículo en cuatro secciones. Primeramente, presentamos el contexto de la presencia feminina en las organizaciones internacionales y de las Conferencias Mundiales sobre la Mujer. Enseguida discutimos los ejes teóricos que informan nuestras interpretaciones. Adoptamos una perspectiva teórica feminista que dialoga con los principales ejes conceptuales manifestados en las disciplinas de Relaciones Internacionales y Ciencia Política. En la tercera sección, discutimos nuestro diseño metodológico de investigación. En la cuarta sección, presentamos datos estadísticos del sistema de Naciones Unidas y de instituciones económicas internacionales entre 1990-2018 acerca de la participación de las mujeres en los cargos de presidencia y vicepresidencia de órganos y organismos especializados, argumentando que la presencia de mujeres en dichos espacios sigue baja. Las teorías feministas nos permiten evaluar la presencia más allá de los datos cuantitativos, ofreciendo una lectura acerca de los roles esperados de las (pocas) mujeres que ocupan espacios de liderazgo en las organizaciones internacionales. Verificamos que las mujeres suelen ocupar cargos asociados a temas de la baja política y el cuidado, como los asuntos sociales, de infancia y alimentos, lo que refuerza roles y jerarquías de género. Además, los datos demuestran que las pocas mujeres que ocupan estos cargos provienen principalmente de América del Norte y Europa Occidental, lo que per se limita las perspectivas feministas que acceden a las agendas internacionales.
As is well known, Vat. II has stimulated (and in many cases established) a movement of reforms in the Church, reflected in great part by the abundantpostconciliar legislation in this regard. Such a phenomenon can bee valuated from different points of view, but we would like to view it from a strictly organizational perspective, that is, insofart as it is a concrete technique which ofters a greater efficacy in the service of pastoral goals. A knowledge of said technique is therefore indispensable, insofar as it is composed of juridical principles which inspire any organizational phenomenon. On the one hand this work emphasizes in what these principies consist technically and on the other hand, in what their application to eclesiastical organization carries with it. The author suggests basic criteria, general principies, and organizational factors which demand a serious attempt to establish an efficient ecclesiastical organization, in present-day circumstances. Included in the study are the so-called juridical principies of decentralization, organic desconcentration of functions, hiérarchy, coordination and consultation. The underlying issue is truly complex, referring as It does to capital points of ecclesiastical organization. Important questions are thus dealt with: the change of power structures, the juridical regulation of its exercise, ecclesiastical government, necessary unity and coordination, etc. All in all, a truly relevant theme in present day life, concerning both doctrine and ecclesiastical authority. ; Omnibus quidem notum est Concilium Vaticanum II impulisse (multoties etiam instituisse) motum in Toto mutationum organorum in Ecclesia. Copiosa illa postconciliarls legum editio signum est manifestum pro dictis. Eiusmodi factum organizativum perpendi potest e diversis prospectibus. Nostra interest perpendere e solo prospectu organizativo, scilicet quod attinet ad technican (artem) definitam quae maiorem efficaciam praebet utilitati finium pastoralium. Ideo fit necessarium illam cognoscere technicam, i. e., illa iuridica principia quodlibet motum organizativum inspirantia. Hoc studium inseritur isti demum contextui. Cum elucet quonam consistunt, ut technice fertur, illa principia, tum quid eorundem applicatio afterat organizationi ecclesiasticae exponit. Agitur suggerentia criteriorum fundamentalium, generalium principiorum ac organizativae expostulationes quas sibi vindicat vel exigit, tempore hodierno, gravis conatus efficacem organizationem ecclesiasticam instituendi. In specie studet principiis luridicis, ut aiunt, deseentralibationis, desconcentrationis organicae functionum, hierarchiae, coordinationis ac consultationis. Res his enuntiationibus inclusae sunt vere implicatae cum ad cardines eccleslasticae organizationis referantur. Summas quaestiones adet pro mutatione structurarum potestatis, iurldlca eius exercitationis normativa, ecclesiastica gubernatione, necessaria unitate et coordinatione, etc, Quaestiones quidem actualissimae quipus primas deftert attentio, praesentlbus rerum adiunctis, et doctrinae et lpsae ecclesiastlcae auctoritatls
In the middle of the twentieth century, various democratic countries signed agreements and treaties; some were promoted as a model to be followed by the nations, mainly by underdeveloped countries, those nations reunited by the UN (United Nations Organization) began a joint work to promote democracy, social, cultural and economic development, in which information began to occupy an important place. The text explains in a general way the historical development of the international guidelines on information and how they influenced Mexico. In the first section background and general context of actions that favoured the treatment of information Public is shown; the second one points to the Mexican case and the main information policies; the third one focuses on how from the mid-20th century the professionalisation in the documentary organization began due to administrative needs and democratic strengthening through transparency and access to information where public information required the implementation of Information Policies. With this phenomenon it is possible to notice the origins of the historical modification of the paradigms in the information sciences, driven by the emergence of new phenomena related to the information and its cycle. ; A mediados del Siglo XX diversos países democráticos suscribieron convenios y tratados; algunos se promovieron a manera de modelo a seguir por las naciones, principalmente por aquellas en subdesarrollo; esas naciones reunidas por la ONU (Organización de las Naciones Unidas) comenzaron un trabajo conjunto para promover la democracia, el desarrollo social, cultural y económico, en el que la información comenzó a ocupar un lugar importante. El texto explica, de forma general, el desarrollo histórico de las directrices internacionales en materia de información y cómo influyeron en México. En el primer apartado señalo antecedentes y contexto general de acciones que favorecieron el tratamiento de información pública; en el segundo, señalo el caso mexicano y las principales políticas de la información; en el tercero abordo cómo, desde mediados del S. XX, comenzó la profesionalización en la organización documental por necesidades administrativas y el fortalecimiento democrático por medio de la Transparencia y Acceso a la Información donde la información pública requirió de la implementación de Políticas de Información. Con este fenómeno es posible advertir los orígenes de la modificación histórica de los paradigmas en las Ciencias de la Información, impulsados por la aparición de nuevos fenómenos relacionados con la información y su ciclo.
