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Abstract This paper aims to reflect about the contradictions of international cooperation for development in Haiti that can be summarized in two perspectives: the North-South cooperation (NSC) and South-South cooperation (SSC). The dynamics of relationships can mix them (N-SSC). We identified governmental and nongovernmental particularly in health, linked to the OECD, the ALBA-TCP and UNASUR as empirical sources for reflection. The OECD privileges the perspective of NSC: commitment of developed nations with undeveloped. It operates mainly through NGOs. The ALBA-TCP and UNASUR have followed the perspective of SSC: commitment and solidarity among nations alike. They emphasize the horizontal partnership based on solidarity, respect for national sovereignty and peculiarities of each country. The resumption of the categories imperialism and internationalism may contribute to the understanding and analysis the contradictions in the international development agenda, illustrated by how these different actor in Haiti organize their actions. While the first one indicates bonding mechanisms geopolitical hierarchy, the latter suggests possibilities for overcoming these mechanisms. Key-words: International cooperation; Haiti; Imperialism; Internationalism; Organizational studies. Resumo Este artigo objetiva refletir sobre contradições da cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento no Haiti, resumidas em duas perspectivas: cooperação Norte-Sul (CNS) e cooperação Sul-Sul (CSS). A dinâmica das relações pode misturá-las (CN-SS). Identificamos atores governamentais e não governamentais, na área da saúde, vinculados à OCDE, à ALBA-TCP e à UNASUL como fontes empíricas para a reflexão. A OCDE se orienta, predominantemente pela CNS, ou seja, pelo compromisso de assistência que os países desenvolvidos oferecem aos subdesenvolvidos. Opera principalmente através de ONGs. Nas ações da ALBA-TCP e da Unasul predominam a perspectiva da CSS: comprometimento solidário entre nações iguais. Enfatizam a parceria horizontal baseada na solidariedade, no respeito à soberania e peculiaridades de cada país. A retomada das categorias imperialismo e internacionalismo contribui para compreensão e análise das contradições na agenda internacional do desenvolvimento, ilustradas pelas formas mediante as quais esses diferentes atores organizam suas ações no Haiti. Enquanto as dos países da OCDE denotam mecanismos geopolíticos hierárquicos, as ações dos países vinculados à ALBA-TCP e da UNASUR sugerem possibilidades de superação desses mecanismos, buscando a cooperação genuína e autodeterminada. Palavras-chave: Cooperação internacional; Haiti; Imperialismo; Internationalismo; Estudos oganizacionais. Resumen En este artículo se reflexiona sobre las contradicciones de la cooperación internacional para el desarrollo en Haití, resumidas en dos puntos de vista: cooperación Norte-Sur (CNS) y cooperación Sur-Sur (CSS). La dinámica de las relaciones pueden mezclarlos (CN-SS). Identificamos los actores gubernamentales y no gubernamentales, en la salud, de la OCDE, del ALBA-TCP y UNASUR como fuentes empíricas para la reflexión. La OCDE se orienta principalmente por la CNS, es decir, ofrecen asistencia a los países sudesarrollados. Opera principalmente a través de ONGs; en las acciones del ALBA-TCP y UNASUR predominan la perspectiva de CSS: el compromiso solidario entre naciones iguales. La énfasis és en la colaboración horizontal basada en la solidaridad, el respeto a la soberanía y las peculiaridades de cada país. La reanudación de las categorías imperialismo y internacionalismo contribuye a la comprensión y el análisis de las contradicciones en la agenda de desarrollo internacional, ilustrada por las formas en que los diferentes actores organizan sus acciones en Haití. Mientras que los países de la OCDE indican mecanismos geopolíticos jerárquicas, las acciones de los países vinculados al ALBA- TCP y UNASUR sugieren posibilidades para la superación de estos mecanismos, buscando la cooperación genuina y autodeterminada. Palabras-clave: Cooperación internacional; Haití, Imperialismo; Internationalismo; Estudios oganizacionales.

In this paper the author points out to the importance of main organizations for establishing of international peace and security. They are the following: League of Nations, United Nations, Organizations of European Security and Co-operation, Conference of European Security and Co-operation, European Council, West European Union and NATO. Until the end of the Cold war, the universal organizations have played primordial role, but after the mentioned period the regional ones took the lead. The reason lies in the shift in balance of power - from bipolar to unipolar. The League of Nations and CESC can be observed from the historic perspective. NATO and UN played a crucial role during the internationalization of Kosovo issue and the act of intervention itself. NATO demonstrated its power and proved in the absence of real balance of power, la force l'emporte sur le droit. On the other hand, UN had passed several resolutions that condemned violence in Kosovo and Metohia (1160, 1199 and 1203 - all passed in 1998). During 1999 Security Council had passed a famous Resolution 1244, by which it was decided a civic and military mission should be established in Kosovo and Metohia - UNMIK and KFOR KFOR dealt with security issues in order to ensure the respect of it to all nationalities in Kosovo and Metohia. UNMIK set a very ambitious task lying ahead trying to establish standards before the future status. Realizing that it would be impossible to reach the standards, UNMIK started with the policy of status determination without standards establishing. The outcome of such policy is Ahtissari's Plan for supervised Independence of Kosovo, and finally the Declaration of Self-proclaimed Independence of Kosovo. We are also witnessing the transfer of horizontal and vertical effective state authorizations to the mentioned international organizations, bearing in mind problems it encounters. NATO deals with security issues, but European Union being unable to deal with such tasks (ESDP policy is to be as attempt), is more concentrated on economic issues.

After the Lisbon Treaty has entered into force, the process of concluding treaties between the EU and third countries or international organizations has sustained significant changes. The most important procedural novelty is the establishment of the ordinary procedure that covers almost all agreements the EU concludes with third parties. Under the Lisbon Treaty, this procedure involves a number of stages: negotiations, signing the agreement, and decision to conclude the agreement. For agreements whose subject matter exclusively or predominantly falls into the domain of common foreign and security policy, there are several derogations from the uniform rules of the ordinary procedure. The same provision of the founding treaty regulates the procedures for amending and suspending the agreement in force, as well as the judicial control procedure of those agreements that are yet to be concluded. The ordinary procedure does not cover two subject-specific proceedings pertaining to relatively narrow areas of EU action. More specifically, they refer to the conclusion of agreements in the area of common trade policy and agreements on the exchange rate of the Euro against the currencies of non-member states. The exclusion of trade agreements is probably the result of the differences that still exist in the division of competencies between the Member States and the EU regarding trade in the area of some services. On the other hand, the enactment of a special procedure for agreements on the Euro exchange rate in relation to the national currency rates of third countries stems from the need to ensure the Union's unique position in this field. On the institutional level, the most important actors in the process of concluding EU agreements are the Council, the Commission and the European Parliament. The Council has retained the central role in all types of treaty procedures, and it decides on essential issues related to the course and outcome of the process. The Commission has retained the major role in initiating and negotiating the agreements, but it is no longer the exclusive initiator and negotiator in the agreement process. Namely, depending on the subject of the treaty, new entrants in that role are the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, and the European Central Bank. The European Parliament has strengthened its position in the procedure for concluding EU agreements and can, therefore, be considered the largest 'net' winner of the Lisbon Treaty reform. This is partly due to its new role in the course of negotiations, which implies the right to be immediately and fully informed about all stages of the proceedings, but to a much greater extent it refers to the powers that this body has in the final stage preceding the conclusion of the agreement. Finally, the EU Court of Justice has an important role in this process; its task is to control the compliance of the EU agreements with the founding treaties prior to their conclusion.

U sklopu internacionalizacije političke podrške porodici i roditeljstvu značajna uloga pripada međunarodnim organizacijama, kao što su Svetska banka, Organizacija za ekonomsku saradnju i razvoj i Evropska unija. Cilj ovog rada predstavlja analiza konceptualizacije roditeljstva u zvaničnim dokumentima i relevantnim publikacijama ovih organizacija u poslednje dve decenije, kao i njene pedagoške implikacije razmatrane sa stanovišta kritičke teorije. Metodom analize sadržaja u istraživanju je utvrđeno da se roditeljstvo konceptualizuje kao skup veština usmerenih na postizanje predvidivih ishoda dečjeg razvoja. Roditeljske veštine sagledavaju se kao jedna vrsta socijalne investicije. Ulaganje u učenje roditeljskih veština donosi dugoročne koristi pojedincima i društvu koje prevazilaze inicijalne troškove. Iako se teorijska orijentacija ne eksplicira u međunarodnoj političkoj agendi, jasno se može zaključiti da je zasnovana na postavkama teorije ljudskog kapitala. Na osnovu obavljenog istraživanja može se konstatovati da roditeljska uloga u pomenutoj agendi ima ključni značaj u obezbeđivanju podsticajne sredine za učenje deteta i njegov ukupni budući prosperitet, nezavisno od sistemskih ili strukturnih karakteristika društva. Ona je višedimenzionalna i može se opisati kao: (a) instrumentalna, jer predstavlja ključni faktor rešavanja društvenih problema velikih razmera; fokus nije na inherentnoj vrednosti "biti roditelj", već na funkcionalnoj vrednosti – "obavljati posao roditelja"; (b) globalno normativno određena u smislu "pozitivnog" ili "dobrog" roditeljstva i (c) suštinski vulnerabilna, što znači da je svim roditeljima potrebna određena vrsta ekspertske podrške, a ne samo targetiranim grupama. Sa stanovišta kritičke teorije, pedagoška kritika ovih postavki dovodi u pitanje tendenciju instrumentalizacije, dekontekstualizacije i "profesionalizacije roditeljstva". ; Within internationalization of political support to family and parenting, significant role belongs to international organizations such as the World Bank, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development and the European Union. The goal of this paper is the analysis of parenting conceptualization in official documents and relevant publications of these organizations. The parenting is conceptualized as the set of skills directed to fostering the predictable outcomes of children's development. The parenting skills are perceived as a type of social investment. The investment into learning parenting skills brings long-term benefits both to individuals and society, which surpass the initial costs. The significance of parenting competences is of a special importance in the period of early childhood and adolescence for two reasons. The first one is that there are critical periods in encouraging development of certain outcomes in children, and the second one is cumulativeness of learning process due to which the missed opportunities may decrease efficiency of future learning during life cycle. It is viewed that the parenting role is of crucial significance in providing a stimulating environment for a child's learning and his/her comprehensive future prosperity regardless of the system or structural characteristics of a society. It is multidimensional and can be described as: (a) instrumental, since it represents the key factor in resolving large-scale social problems. The focus is not on inherent value of "being a parent" but on functional value – "performing a job of a parent"; (b) normatively specified on the global level in the sense of "positive" or "good" parenting and (c) essentially vulnerable, which means that all parents need a certain type of professional support and not only the targeted groups. Pedagogical critique of these postulates questions the tendency of instrumentalisation, de-contextualization and "professionalization of parenting". ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Objective: This study aims to identify the context of the humanization of care regarding the meaning, source of
information and perception of the nursing staff of the Pediatric Hospitalization Unit (PHU) on their own care. Methods:
Descriptive study with qualitative approach, carried out at Hospital das Clinicas, UFTM. Participants were 21
professionals. They answered a questionnaire with closed and open questions. Results: The professionals have
recognized the institution as the main source of information. The concept of humanization and perception of their
assistance, three categories emerged: structural organization / service management and relational. Nurses consider
providing humanized and humanizing is a precondition for the establishment of quality care. Conclusion: It is
concluded that the nursing staff of the IPU recognizes the institution's participation in an informative, however, this is
not always experienced.

Effectiveness of the administrative system as a whole depends on the quality of its organization. The Organizational structure reflects functional dynamic of the public administration. On the other hand, functional requirements of efficiency and effectiveness of the administrative system determine organizational forms. The scope, character and nature of administrative actions require optimal and coordinated external (macro-organization) and internal (micro-organization) organizational structure, which will allow optimal functioning of an administrative system. Therefore, the organizational structure is not immutable category, because tasks and roles, activities and goals, are changing in the same government system and sometimes even the whole system, so it is necessary to change the administrative organization. Administrative organization is systemic (external and internal) open dynamic structure of state government agencies and other bodies and organizations with public (administrative) powers prescribed in the course of lawful relationships of dynamic interaction, based on the hierarchy or coordination, depending on the nature and objectives of administrative tasks. Current organization of the state administration has not been made according to the principles of modern management. It is a result of the political spoils system, and reflects the need for political control of the administrative departments. It lacks functional analysis and expert approach.

Европска унија представља по много чему специфичну међународну организацију. Њено основно и препознатљиво обележје је наднационалност у креирању и спровођењу јавних политика. Настала удруживањем ресурса угља и челика брзо је прерасла у зону слободне трговине и сарадњу држава чланица у питањима као што је атомска енергије. Европска интеграција од свог почетка до данас зна искључиво за проширење чланства и повећање броја области сарадње на добровољној основи. Да ли ће међународне околности у којима се ЕУ налази данас и односи са другим међународним организацијама одбрамбеног карактера допринети већој интеграцији држава чланица ЕУ у домену одбране основна је тема овог рада. Трагање за различитим сценаријима развоја заједничке безбедносне политике ЕУ зависи пре свега од међународне институционалне и безбедносне архитектуре у Европи и свету, историјско политичких трендова у развоју европске интеграције, правног оквира ЕУ и међународног стратегијског окружења. Савремене међународне организације, посебно оне са преовлађујућим обележјима наднационалности (у конкретном случају ЕУ) имају тенденцију да у области одбране и безбедности комбинују наднационална обележја са међувладиним у покушају да што ефективније искористе структуру организације за остваривање њених циљева и интереса, али без већег преноса надлежности са држава чланица на саму организацију. ; The European Union represents in many ways a specific international organization. Its basic and recognizable feature is that of supranational policy and decision making. It was created by pooling the resources of coal and steel which had quickly developed into a free trade zone and ever closer Union in many policy areas. European integration from its inception to the present days was all about expanding membership and increasing the number of areas of cooperation. Namely widening and deepening of the EU was on the agenda. Will the current international circumstances and relations with other international defense organizations contribute to deepening integration in the field of defense is to be researched in this work. Search for different scenarios in the development of EU Common Security and Defense policy depends primarily on the international institutional and security architecture in Europe and the world, the historical political trends in the development of European integration, the EU legal framework and international strategic environment. Contemporary international organizations, especially those with the prevailing supranational characteristics (in this case the EU) tend to combine intergovernmental and supranational approach in the area of defense and security in an effort to more effectively utilize the structure of the organization for the realization of its goals and interests, but without significant transfer of powers from Member States on the organization itself. The main goals and interests of the EU integration in the field of defense and security are to (1) ensure durable and everlasting peace among member states, (2) to address common security challenges, risks and threats autonomously or in cooperation with other States and/or international organizations, (3) pool and share resources leading to more effective achievement of military economic interests, mainly through the development and transfer of military technology and equipment. In addition to the mentioned goals and interests, (4) particular interests of the Member States would be to improve their own political, economic and military performance. EU Integration in the field of defense, may rest in the future on (1) the current state of integration (status quo), (2) progress in areas that are not conflicting with the individual interests of key actors in the European arena (3) the deepening of integration leading to progressive framing of common defense policy with an ultimate goal to establish common defense. (4) The fourth model is possible and has been seen in the other EU policy areas.

KEYWORDS: center of government; governance arrangement; policy coordination; democracy; Brazil.ABSTRACT Introduction: This paper aims to analyze how the Center of Government (CoG) operates as units responsible for conducting the presidential agenda in contemporary Brazil. Materials and Methods: The study applied the theoretical approach of CoG as a governance arrangement and used qualitative and quantitative data to reach its objective. Besides the bibliographic review on the literature and official documents, the study synthesizes and deepens empirical data and information from a joint research project covering the period of political stability in Brazil, from 1995 to 2014, when elected presidents ended their terms. Results: The empirical findings confirm that CoG is a flexible and dynamic phenomenon. It puts a critical perspective on the normative "good governance" approach that overvalues its technical dimension and neglects its political aspect. Discussion: The inquiry results shed light on the importance of the relation between politics and policy, by demonstrating that CoG's configuration and functions vary due to multiple causes, each president's priority policy agenda is implemented with different strategies and; the prioritized policies follow a unique coordination logic inside the Brazilian federal government.