Suchergebnisse

At the turn of November 2018, the next local elections were held in Poland. However, this time, along with the next term, a number of new legal arrangements and structures have been implemented as a result of the adoption of the Act of 11 January 2018 on amending certain laws to increase the participation of citizens in the process of electing, functioning and controlling certain public bodies. The legislature has set itself the objective of adopting solutions to enable and facilitate greater influence for members of local and regional communities, especially in legislative and executive bodies of local government units. Some of these changes affect the executive body in the municipality (local government commune), i.e. village mayor (town mayor or city president), affecting the change in its scope and powers. ; Na przełomie października i listopada 2018 r. odbyły się w Polsce kolejne wybory samorządowe, jednakże tym razem wraz z kolejną kadencją władz samorządowych doszło do wdrożenia wielu nowych rozwiązań i konstrukcji prawnych będących efektem uchwalenia w dniu 11 stycznia 2018 r. ustawy o zmianie niektórych ustaw w celu zwiększenia udziału obywateli w procesie wybierania, funkcjonowania i kontrolowania niektórych organów publicznych. Ustawodawca postawił sobie za cel przyjęcie rozwiązań, które mają umożliwić i ułatwić członkom wspólnot samorządowych większy wpływ na funkcjonowanie tych wspólnot, w szczególności organów stanowiących i wykonawczych w jednostkach samorządu terytorialnego. Niektóre z tych zmian dotykają organu wykonawczego w gminie samorządowej, czyli wójta (burmistrza, prezydenta miasta), wpływając na zmianę zakresu jego działania i kompetencji.

Due to amalgamation of Polish and EU systems, the shape of many public policies in the country is the consequence of decisions taken within the EU – but what is more important – with participation of Poles. Complexity of the challenges ahead demands making decisions that the society shall feel are acceptable, or even proceeded with their co-authorship. Relevantly high degree of cooperation, co-decision making and shared responsibility – between executive and legislative power and non-public entities, within political decision making, is important in order to get as properly stable as possible standpoint of Poland, and for efficient implementation. Because of that, the aim of this analysis is the search for the answer to the question whether within challenges that await the EU, we may find those, that will lay especially in the field of interest of Polish non-public entities. In addition – is it justified (and to what extend) to include in such cases those entities into processes of working out standpoints of Polish officials. With such a research objective a thesis is being advanced, that in Poland awareness of EU functioning mechanisms, but also the level of inclusion of non-public entities into political decision making, is little and in face of challenges awaiting the union it is necessary to raise it.

Due to amalgamation of Polish and EU systems, the shape of many public policies in the country is the consequence of decisions taken within the EU – but what is more important – with participation of Poles. Complexity of the challenges ahead demands making decisions that the society shall feel are acceptable, or even proceeded with their co-authorship. Relevantly high degree of cooperation, co-decision making and shared responsibility – between executive and legislative power and non-public entities, within political decision making, is important in order to get as properly stable as possible standpoint of Poland, and for efficient implementation. Because of that, the aim of this analysis is the search for the answer to the question whether within challenges that await the EU, we may find those, that will lay especially in the field of interest of Polish non-public entities. In addition – is it justified (and to what extend) to include in such cases those entities into processes of working out standpoints of Polish officials. With such a research objective a thesis is being advanced, that in Poland awareness of EU functioning mechanisms, but also the level of inclusion of non-public entities into political decision making, is little and in face of challenges awaiting the union it is necessary to raise it.

The authors of the paper focused upon the general clause of social interest in the general administrative proceedings, as well as the proceedings before administrative courts and the administrative executive proceedings. Thus we got a comprehensive – although limited, considering the framework of the study – analysis of the function of this clause in the three main sets of proceedings constituting the system of administrative procedure. The paper discusses a complicated concept of social interest and its relationship to a concept of public interest. It must be emphasized that both of the terms mentioned above are used, among other things, in the regulations of the Code of Administrative Proceedings. The authors also analyze the questions regarding possibilities of a conflict between a social interest and an individual interest. ; Autorzy opracowania skupili swe rozważania na klauzuli generalnej interesu społecznego w ogólnym postępowaniu administracyjnym, postępowaniu sądowoadministracyjnym oraz postępowaniu egzekucyjnym w administracji. W ten sposób otrzymali kompleksową, aczkolwiek ograniczoną ze względu na ramy opracowania, analizę funkcji tej klauzuli w podstawowych postępowaniach systemu procedury administracyjnej. Artykuł wyjaśnia skomplikowane pojęcie interesu społecznego oraz jego stosunek do pojęcia interesu publicznego. Podkreślenia wymaga, że oba pojęcia występują choćby w przepisach kodeksu postępowania administracyjnego. Przedmiotem rozważań autorzy uczynili również kwestie dotyczące możliwości zaistnienia kolizji między interesem społecznym a interesem indywidualnym.

Switzerland is an example of a state that has adopted specific solutions as regards the election and execution of executive power, which has generated the common conviction that the Swiss Confederation is among the most solid democracies in the world. Recent years have shown, however, that political practice has brought about a significant evolution of Swiss solutions as the distribution of power in the parliament has resulted in the abolition of the 'magical formula' that guaranteed the great (and stable) government coalition, and the emergence of initiatives aiming at changing the principles along which executive power is elected in Switzerland. The purpose of considerations presented in this paper is to analyze the specific character of how the executive institutions function in the Swiss Confederation, answer the question of what directions the changes to the composition of the Federal Council are taking, as well as address the directions of evolutionary changes to the principles of electing the members of the Swiss government. ; Switzerland is an example of a state that has adopted specific solutions as regards the election and execution of executive power, which has generated the common conviction that the Swiss Confederation is among the most solid democracies in the world. Recent years have shown, however, that political practice has brought about a significant evolution of Swiss solutions as the distribution of power in the parliament has resulted in the abolition of the 'magical formula' that guaranteed the great (and stable) government coalition, and the emergence of initiatives aiming at changing the principles along which executive power is elected in Switzerland. The purpose of considerations presented in this paper is to analyze the specific character of how the executive institutions function in the Swiss Confederation, answer the question of what directions the changes to the composition of the Federal Council are taking, as well as address the directions of evolutionary changes to the principles of electing the members of the Swiss government.

Switzerland is an example of a state that has adopted specific solutions as regards the election and execution of executive power, which has generated the common conviction that the Swiss Confederation is among the most solid democracies in the world. Recent years have shown, however, that political practice has brought about a significant evolution of Swiss solutions as the distribution of power in the parliament has resulted in the abolition of the 'magical formula' that guaranteed the great (and stable) government coalition, and the emergence of initiatives aiming at changing the principles along which executive power is elected in Switzerland. The purpose of considerations presented in this paper is to analyze the specific character of how the executive institutions function in the Swiss Confederation, answer the question of what directions the changes to the composition of the Federal Council are taking, as well as address the directions of evolutionary changes to the principles of electing the members of the Swiss government.

The paper discusses the parliamentary systems of selected Arab and Muslim countries in the Middle East and North Africa at the turn of the 1960s.The analysis concerns a document drawn up for executives in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in late 1972, with an attachment discussing the parliamentary systems of the countries of primary importance for the goals and interests of Poland. As concerns the Middle East, the parliamentary systems of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Iran and North and South Yemen were described. In North Africa, the analysis encompassed the Maghreb region: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and the Mashrek region: Egypt, Libya and Sudan.The paper concludes with a statement that the document was an accurate and faithful presentation of the parliamentary systems of representative states. Political relations in this region were developing dynamically at that time, military coups and coups d'état occurred, some states were leaning towards socialism, while maintaining their family or religious structures, while others were only just gaining their full sovereignty and independence. The situation of Israel continued to be complicated, as the state remained highly confrontational towards Arab countries. This last issue was the reason for Poland's failing to achieve the strategic goals of its foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. Another Israeli-Arab war in October 1973 made Polish decision makers realize how fragile the foundations of states in the region were, preventing Poland from becoming fully involved in Arab and Muslim countries. ; The paper discusses the parliamentary systems of selected Arab and Muslim countries in the Middle East and North Africa at the turn of the 1960s.The analysis concerns a document drawn up for executives in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in late 1972, with an attachment discussing the parliamentary systems of the countries of primary importance for the goals and interests of Poland. As concerns the Middle East, the parliamentary systems of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Iran and North and South Yemen were described. In North Africa, the analysis encompassed the Maghreb region: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and the Mashrek region: Egypt, Libya and Sudan.The paper concludes with a statement that the document was an accurate and faithful presentation of the parliamentary systems of representative states. Political relations in this region were developing dynamically at that time, military coups and coups d'état occurred, some states were leaning towards socialism, while maintaining their family or religious structures, while others were only just gaining their full sovereignty and independence. The situation of Israel continued to be complicated, as the state remained highly confrontational towards Arab countries. This last issue was the reason for Poland's failing to achieve the strategic goals of its foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. Another Israeli-Arab war in October 1973 made Polish decision makers realize how fragile the foundations of states in the region were, preventing Poland from becoming fully involved in Arab and Muslim countries.

W artykule ukazane zostało zagadnienie stabilności funkcjonowania kolegialnego członu władzy wykonawczej – rządu. Stabilność władzy wykonawczej, obok partycypacji obywatelskiej w wyborach oraz utrzymania porządku politycznego, jest jednym z elementów szerszego pojęcia, jakim jest stabilność polityczna państwa. Doświadczenia historyczne (zwłaszcza Francji III i IV Republiki oraz Włoch) ukazują, jak ważnym zagadnieniem jest możliwość stabilnego i efektywnego działania rządu. Odnosząc tytułowe zagadnienie do polskiego modelu ustrojowego, autor dokonuje analizy norm konstytucyjnych determinujących zasady powoływania Rady Ministrów oraz możliwości jej odwołania. ; The article deals with the stability of the functioning of a collegial body of the executive power – the government. The stability of the executive power, together with citizens' participation in the elections and maintenance of political order, is one of the elements of a broader concept of a state's political stability. Historical experiences (especially those of the French Third and the Fourth Republic and Italy) demonstrate the importance of stable and effective functioning of a government. Relating the issue in question to the Polish model of government, the author analyses constitutional norms laying down the principles of appointing the Council of Ministers and the possibilities of its dismissal.

The main obstacles in the implementation of public policies emerge at the earlier stages of the agenda-setting and the formulation of goals due to institutional constraints. They comprise the ambiguities about the governing center and thus about the real actors of the public policy process. The government fully controls the legislation, although this results from a functional unity of the executive and the legislative powers rather than from formal regulations. The parliament gets deprived of its influence on public policy. The government, however, is not able to fulfill its functions, either. The evidence shows that the main actor in programming public policy is the administration, and the decision-taking process is dispersed among separate ministries without any real coordination and oversight. The law is an instrument of communicating decisions taken at the pre-legislative stage. The use of objective data and public consultations is occasional, although they ; Bariery w realizacji polityki publicznej pojawiają się na długo przed przystąpieniem do jej wdrażania. Wadliwe instytucje utrudniają właściwą identyfikację problemów i formułowanie polityki. Głównym problemem jest brak określenia centrum decyzyjnego, będącego głównym podmiotem odpowiedzialnym za tworzenie polityki publicznej. Funkcjonalne splecenie władzy ustawodawczej i wykonawczej pozbawia parlament wpływu na kształt polityki publicznej. Również rząd nie pełni przypisanej mu funkcji prowadzenia polityki. Dane z badań świadczą o przejęciu tej funkcji przez resorty i braku koordynacji działań legislacyjnych. Prawo jest instrumentem komunikowania wcześniej podjętych decyzji. Nie wykorzystuje się obiektywnej wiedzy ani konsultacji społecznych, które mogłyby równoważyć malejącą rolę parlamentu. Utrudnia to dobranie właściwychinstrumentów realizacji polityki.

The share of women among the total number of managers in Poland is one of the highest in the European Union. The surveys carried out on the initiative of the Warsaw Stock Exchange in 2009 and 2010 indicated that in capital market companies and stock market companies, the share of women in the executive suite of all levels exceeds the country's average. The conducted surveys confi rm the regularity that the higher the steps of the executive ladder are the lower shares constitute women - on the top executive positions men decidedly dominate, also in those companies where the feminization rate of their human resources is relatively high. Joint-venture companies distinguishes implementation of the solutions promoting women to the executive positions, but mainly on the intermediate level, despite the fact that the employed by them women usually have tertiary education. These companies seem to be introducing western practices to the Polish business reality, as they more often present the belief that employing women and ensuring equal chances for their promotion to the executive positions, is not only a manifestation of obedience of the anti-discrimination law, but it also generates benefi ts for the company - staff diversity facilitates higher effectiveness. The Stock Exchange that undergone an evident evolution in the area of equalising chances of women and promoting them to the executive suite, including the top management level positively stands out against the background of the surveyed companies. It provides an example of good practice in this fi eld. The WSE Board comprises equal numbers of women and men. In the special resolution of 19 May 2010, the WSE recommended to all public companies adoption of solutions targeted at ensuring equal shares of women and men on the top executive levels, as it is profi table for the company's development. The conducted surveys - which were precursory in Poland - examining the situation in public companies lead to conclusion that there are still too few of them that are ...

After Scottish Devolution referendum in 1997, Parliament of United Kingdom passed the Scotland Act 1998, creating the Scottish Parliament and Scottish Executive. Changes in United Kingdom structure created situation similar to federal countries, where national and regional governments need to cooperate and coordinate their activities. Intergovernmental relations in the UK are mostly relations between executives, with limited role of parliaments. This paper analyzes intergovernmental relations in two periods – before 2007, when formal institutions like Joint Ministerial Committee were rarely used and after 2007, when Scottish Executive and UK Government were led by different political parties – Scottish National Party on the regional level and Labour Party on the national level. The aim of the article was to describe intergovernmental relations throughout 1999–2010 years, explain asymmetry, informality and inconsistency of this relations and prognose future relations in the context of Calman's Commission works.